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Indra de Soysa 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2011 International Area Studies Review Vol.14 No.1
Several prominent economists have recently argued that ethnic and other forms of social diversity lead to economic failure. Apparently, serious social frictions caused by diverse preferences do not create conditions for the development of endogenous institutions that enhance good economic policies. Others, however, have shown that diversity reduces transaction costs within and between groups absent good public institutions, because of within-group social capital and ingroup policing in repeated dealings across groups. High diversity also reduces mass mobilization and forces consensus: ethnic diversity acts as a barrier against the concentration of absolute power. Using several measures of ethnic diversity, this study demonstrates that diversity and cultural difference reduce serious social frictions measured as the repression of political dissent. This study also finds that higher social diversity directly predicts higher levels of economic freedom, a proxy often used to gauge the market-friendliness of a country, the endogenous conditions often associated with economic success. The same results are true when a measure of the control of corruption is used. The results show that diversity enhances, not retards, the prospects for development and reduces social frictions. It may very well be that discourses of conflict, particularly the discourses of blame and recrimination based on ethnic ties where economic failure is apparent, is mistaken as the cause rather than the byproduct of crises, mistakenly attributed to historical conditions that have generated artificial borders. Empirically, diversity seems to foster, not displace, the preconditions for development.
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Indra de Soysa 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2017 International Area Studies Review Vol.20 No.1
The Norwegian government enthusiastically supports the protection of forests, which are important CO2 sinks. Given all the difficulty surrounding the reduction of greenhouse gases, funding the protection of forests is a sound proposition. Up to the present time, how well has Norwegian aid to forests and Norwegian bilateral aid affected the health of forests? Using World Bank data on forest degradation and change in forest area for roughly 130 developing countries from 1999 to 2013, we find that higher levels of Norwegian forest aid among recipient countries has generally had no effect on reducing degradation, while total Norwegian bilateral aid is associated with increased degradation, results that might very well be causal because they are robust to estimations using instrumental variable techniques. Two-step selection models show that forest aid also increases forest degradation, result that are quite unflattering of Norwegian aid. These results are robust to several alternative specifications of our models and to alternative estimation techniques including country fixed effects. Two clear lessons emerge from our findings; firstly, that Norwegian aid does not seem to be coordinated for addressing the problem of forest degradation; and secondly, aid as a means to solve the climate problem likely faces steep obstacles if even a non-strategic, aid-giving country, such as Norway, is capable of more harm than good.
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de Soysa Indra,Kaasa Jorunn,Rød Jan Ketil 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2023 International Area Studies Review Vol.26 No.4
Large segments of populations in the industrialized West believe that immigrants cause crime. Some scholars suggest that it is generous welfare that attracts so-called “welfare magnets,” increasing the possibility that the worst kind of immigrant locates in strong welfare states. Empirical studies on crime, however, do not support the view that immigrants are more to blame for crime than natives, although some immigrant groups might be overrepresented in crime statistics. We address this question by examining if immigration increases crime within Norwegian municipalities, thereby, indirectly testing whether Norway, one of the most generous welfare states, acts as a magnet for “bad” immigrants. Our results do not support the view that a strong welfare state with a lenient penal system generates moral hazard, nor that welfare states systematically attract the “bad” immigrants. These results support a host of studies from other industrialized countries, particularly the US, showing higher immigrant populations associated with lower crime. The results from Norway, thus, while showing some support for the view that welfare potentially cushions the many pathologies associated with crime and victimization, mitigating the development of criminogenic environments, are also in line with an emerging academic consensus. This consensus suggests that immigration reduces crime, which is good news for progressive policy and for generating a more nuanced discourse on the subject.
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