On Wh-Scrambling

Hak-Yeon Kim(김학연) 신영어영문학회 2004 신영어영문학 Vol.27 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to prove that wh-scrambling to AgrsP based on adjunction constraint and L-relatedness can solve the problems disclosed in the assumption of covert wh-feature movement and multiple agreement against T in Spec TP. Maki & Ochi’s (1998) leftover controversial problem about embedded scope interpretation on wh-scrambling out of finite CP was proved to have only matrix scope under the analysis of the wh-phrase adjunction to AgrsP interrelated with the constraint on adjunction movement. Multiple wh-agreement against single T in Spec TP (Miyagawa 2002) is not good enough to cover Korean multiple wh-phrase construction since the object in Korean is not marked with nominative Case. This multiple wh-feature checking was easily explained in terms of covert wh-phrase adjunction to the higher wh-phrase on Spec AgrsP. Thus the wh-scrambling to multiple Spec was proved to be better than the other assumptions. However, the controversial problem about negative scope over universal quantifier (all) remains to be solved.

주술관계와 국면확장

김학연(Hak-Yeon Kim) 한국영미어문학회 2011 영미어문학 Vol.- No.101

The aim of this paper is to show that Phase Extension suggested by den Dikken (2006, 2007) is the effective theory to explain not only Locative PP inversion structure but also existential structure. In PP inversion, if head R is empty in small clause, null dative preposition Pø can be raised and incorporated to head R to be licensed. Since the features on predicate head(P) are transferred to RP as a result of raising, the predicate can be visible to the outside F, and the predicate cam be attracted to [Spec, F]. If R is filled, on the other hand, by a lexical element that can not serve as an incorporator, Pø(R) will raise up to F to make predicate visible to F, and thus RP is extended up to FP phase. If there in existential construction is assumed to be base generated in the position of the predicate in small clause RP dominated by DP, the DP inherits phasehood from the RP after the movement of the R to the D. The u[specific] feature on there triggers the expletive move to [Spec, D], since head D bearing [+specific] feature attracts R. There bearing u[Case] to become a probe, raises to the closest [Spec, T] c-commanding T. So raising there to [Spec, D) and [Spec, T] can be ensured without resort to the EPP. In predicate inversion, extending the phase through predicate head-to-R raising or R-to-F raising, the predicate moves across the small clause subject to get its features checked.

국면영역과 PRO의 격

김학연(Hak-Yeon Kim) 신영어영문학회 2010 신영어영문학 Vol.45 No.-

This paper is to survey the Case checking in terms of Alboiu's(2004, 2006, 2007) revised PRO raising analysis by phase domain, and to apply it to Korean as well as English. The results obtained are; first, Alboiu's (2004) analysis on Rumanian backward control subjunctive presupposes that the control complement must be TP, but the complement in Korean is not TP but CP. Thus the subject DP cannot undergo multiple Agree with higher probes. Second, T in Korean seems to be identical to the [iT,__] feature in Alboiu's(2006) four types of T, but accepting Markman's(2009) idea on Japanese, only C just marks Case because Korean v and T does not bear Ø feature. Third, Alboiu(2007) evidenced that PRO is Case marked in several European languages. However, PRO and lexical DP are in complementary distribution in some English control structures. Therefore, I conclude that in PRO raising analysis, the Case of controller and PRO should be identical, and the other Cases on PRO may be called Default Case depending on various factors. However, there remain a lot of unsolved problems.

Scrambling as A`-movement

김학연(Hak Yeon Kim) 언어과학회 2006 언어과학연구 Vol.38 No.-

동명사의 국면단위 격점검

김학연(Hak Yeon Kim) 언어과학회 2008 언어과학연구 Vol.46 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to propose that the Case licensing by TP analysis on Clausal Gerund(CG) is more powerful than that of CP analysis. In TP analysis, if the T in CG checks the remnant [F] on v/T in the matrix clause, the T in CG can check its own uCase as well as that of CG`s subject. But this approach has some defects. First, this analysis is limited to only English. Second, -ingGER feature in Romanian language raises to C, thus CG should be considered as CP. Third, it is against the general principle of minimalist program that the analysis considers the Φ-role as a feature. Since a lexical subject can occur in non-finite clauses in some languages, it is a phasal head not tense or Φ-feature that licenses Case. In such languages Case valuation is determined by feature specification in a phase, and null expletive as a probe plays an important role in Case valuation of non-finite clauses. Applying this approach to English CG, a null D head (including affixial and uCase feature) selects non-verbal C because of sharing requirement condition on merged heads. The non-finite C will transfer its uD feature to the proxy T. This feature probes for a DP, ensuring that the subject enters an A-chain with the results of an Accusative or Nominative value. Clause-typing is satisfied by Merge of the GER/PART feature in C and the C-T relationship is guaranteed by the affixial nature of -ing which surfaces on the lexical verbs. However, there remains some problems to be solved.

TP and AgrP in Scrambling

Hak Yeon Kim(김학연) 언어과학회 2004 언어과학연구 Vol.31 No.-

In multiple Spec AgrP hypothesis (Grewendorf and Sabel 1999), many kinds of scrambling can be explained in terms of adjunction to AgrP and substitution to [Spec AgrP] for [∑] checking. Also Constraint on Adjunction Movement is necessary. Miyagawa(2001a,b)`s EPP driven Scr is limited to only IP-adjunction position. However, I can explain diverse kinds of scrambling by modifying the above Agr-projection into simplified T-projection model and accepting Kim(2003a,b)`s idea on pure [EPP] driven scrambling. The Theme object substitutes to [Spec2 vP] to check pure EPP feature on v in short scrambling, only object substitutes to [Spec2 TP] for EPP feature checking on T in middle scrambling (IP- adjunction scrambling), and an element may successively scrambles to adjunct TP -position for checking pure EPP on T in long scrambling. However, short scrambling leaves some unsolved problems.

On Feature Driven Scrambling

Kim Hak-Yeon(김학연) 신영어영문학회 2003 신영어영문학회 학술발표회 자료집 Vol.2003 No.8

허사 "there" 구조와 3차원병합

김학연 ( Hak Yeon Kim ) 대한언어학회 2011 언어학 Vol.19 No.3

This paper aims to suggest an alternative mechanism of Merge for ``there`` constructions. Adopting the idea of [topic] feature of ``there`` in Basilico (1997) and 3D Merge in Boeckx (2008), we ascertain that the expletive ``there`` with [topic] feature from ω-domain merge with TP from α-domain. We believe that this sort of Merge not only solves the problem of redundancy and locality caused by various movement analyses still keeping the spirit of MOM but shows the concordance between the syntactic structure of ``there`` constructions and their information structure.

소절과 격 부여

김학연 ( Hak Yeon Kim ) 대한언어학회 2010 언어학 Vol.18 No.4

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the Cases of subject and predicate are assigned in small clauses and copula structures via feature inheritance and multiple agree. In various languages including Korean, if matrix verb is transitive, Accusative is assigned to the subject and predicate through multiple Agree between the targets and T whose features are inherited from higher phase head v*, while if matrix verb is intransitive or the π head in copula structure is defective, Nominative is assigned through multiple Agree between the targets and T whose whole features are copied from higher phase head C. However in either case, the Case of predicates is optional and/or depends on the properties of languages. And there remains many unresolved and complicated problems.

국산 닭고기 소비 활성화 방안과 계란시장 현황 - 육용종계 노계의 시장가치 증대 방안

김학연,Kim, Hak-Yeon 대한양계협회 2013 월간 양계 Vol.45 No.5