韓國의 農業分化에 관한 硏究 : 獨寡占構造와의 關聯을 中心으로 Mainly on the Relation to Monopoly

都禹鉉 東亞大學校 1975 東亞論叢 Vol.12 No.2

Chapter 1: Introduction 1) The economic structure of capitalistic society has grown out of the economic structure of feudal society. The dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former gradually through differentiation of agriculture. The primitive accumulation is the historical process of divorcing the immediate producer from the means of production. The expropriation of the agricultural producer, of the peasant, from the soil, is the basis of the whole process through differentiation of agriculture. The history of this expropriation, the process of polarization of the peasant, in different countries assumes different aspects, and runs through its various phases in different orders of succession, and at different periods. In England alone, it has the classic form. In Korea this process had been carried out forcibly under the direct control of Japanese imperialism (monopolistic capitalism) from 1910 to 1945 because Korea was annexed to Japan unjustly and against its will. A major effect of the coming of capitalism to Korea was the worsening the lot of the peasant. Laws were made to enable Japanese firms and individuals easily to acquire land in Korea, but the main instrument for depriving of their farms was what was called the Land Survey. The effect of the survey was that many Korean peasants were deprived of land they and their ancestors had farmed for centuries. Meanwhile, Korean peasants were differentiated downwards through differentiation of agriculture. The type of differentiation of Korean peasants was different from that of Japanese at the same period. After Liberation, the agrarian reform in 1949 served that the tilled land formerly possessed by Japanese and Korean landlords were distributed with compensation to landless peasants or peasants with little land. However, after the agrarian reform tiny holdings increased. The structure of Korean agriculture is still weak. In short, the process of getting agriculture involved in capitalistism is various in indifferent countries which are at different stages of economic development. But the basic linkage between the two is the differentiation of agriculture. 2) This dissertation primarily intends to analyse the differentiation of agriculture after the establishment of Republic of Korea with reference to the modern historical background which is the process of development of capitalism in Korea. The most important factor of differentiation of agriculture is the price conditions between agricultural products and manufactured goods. So, this analysis is focused on the price conditions under the rule of the monopolistic economic structure. Chapter 2: The Modern Historical Background of Differentiation of Agriculture in Korea Korean economic historians generally concur that the embryo of capitalism was found before Kanghwa Treaty, but the Japanese invasion expunged it in Korea. Japanese policy in Korea after the Russo-Japanese War was clearly directed toward eventual annexation of the country to Japanese Empire. In December of 1905, the first Resident-General of Korea was appointed by the Japanese Emperor. The Resident General was charged not only with overseeing Korean foreign relations but also with protecting and advancing Japanese interests generally. He was under the direct authority of the Japanese interests generally. He was under the direct authority of the Japanese Emperor, and had the power to use Japanese troops at his direction. The Korean army disbanded. One of the Japanese main objectives was the Korean Economy. Law was revised so that Japanese could freely purchase land, In addition, land was often used as collateral for loans, and when the poverty-stricken Korean peasants could not pay, their land was taken over by Japanese money-lenders. The Korean currency was reformed to conform with that of Japan and to do the financial transactions between the countries. New methods were applied to increase rice production so as to make Korea a supplier to Japan. Numerous Japanese left their overcrowded home-land so that in addition to government officials and police there were merchants, financiers, money-lenders and farmers, subsequently joined by the unemployed and numerous undesirables who had been unsuccessful at home. The number of Japanese much increased during 1897-1910. Korea had become a Japanese colony. The so-called Korean-Japanese Annexation Draft was signed in 1910. On annexation, the first Governor-General was installed. One of the main purposes of the Government-General, of course, was to exploit the Korean economy for the benefit of Japan. After the annexation the main concern was land ownership and agriculture. The main instrument for expropriating Koreans of their farms was what was called the Land Survey. Ostensibly, the purpose of the survey was simply to set up a modern system of land ownership, with title deeds recording the necessary information field with the appropriate government office. A date was set by which all landowners had to report the location of their land, its precize size and its quality, together with their names and addresses. Korea had never had such a system before, and many of the ignorant peasants did not understand it. The effect of the survey, as the Japanese must have known it would be, was that many peasants failed to report to the government before the deadline, and were deprived of land. In addition, all village common land was nationalized. The land survey was completed in 1918. The Government-General then proceeded to dispose of the land it had acquired to Japanese at bargain prices. Much of the land went to the notorious Oriental Development Company, some to other Japanese firms, and some to Japanese individuals. The survey's real purpose had been to provide a legal basis for the seizure of Korean land by Japanese, and in this it succeeded. By the end of the Land Survey, the number of Korean-owned family farms had declined by nearly 40,000. The peasants thus deprived had either to accept the status of tenants, eking out a bare subsistence while most of the profits from the land went to the landlords, become homeless wanderers, or emigrate to Manchuria or Siberia. Thus, the half feudalistic productive relation was settled on the agricultural sector. Japanese hegemony was also established in the area of commerce and finance. Laws regarding the establishment of commercial enterprises were written and interpreted in such a way, while Japanese firms could easily be established, it was virtually impossible for Korean to set up business. Such laws had appeared even before annexation. In 1911 a law was promulgated giving the Government-General the power to close any firm which violated in any way the conditions under which it had been granted permission to do business. If the Japanese wanted to take over a Korean firm, in other words, they now had the power to do so. The Oriental Development Company benefited enormously from these conditions, as did numerous other Japanese concerns. Many of these companies were new establishments based in Korea, while others were branches of Japan-based firms. The grip which Japan took on the economy is shown by figures. Of the 110 companies in Korea after 1011, 101 were owned by Japanese and only nine by Koreans. Nineteen Japan-based firms had branches in Korea, and most of capital invested in banks, electric companies, gas companies and rail ways, which are not included in these figures, came from the two giant Japanese industrial companies, Mitsui and Mitsubishi. Thus, hardly any of the profits to be made in Korea went to Koreans, and the Japanese prospered but the Korean standard of living fell. Most of this business activity was financed by Japanese banks, which had begun opening branches in Korea very early, soon after the Kanghwa Treaty of 1876. By 1910 they had appeared in almost all Korean cities of any size. In 1909 the Bank of Korea was established by the Japanese to handle government finances and in 1918 the Korea Industry Bank, another Japanese institution, took over provincial finances from the Agricultural Industry Bank. Thus, whole Korean economy was under the rule of monopolistic Japanese combines. After this, economic exploitation was faclitated, by non-economical (feudalistic) means. The rapid growth of the Japanese population, coupled with increasing industrialization, resulted in a food shortage. This was to be supplied from Korean rice. A fifteen-year plan to increase Korean rice production was instituted in 1920. Despite of the unrealistic goal of planning, the planned quantity of rice was exported to Japan every year. By 1933 more than half of the annual rice crop was being sent to Japan, while rice consumption by the average Korean dwindled in proportion. The rice-export policy had an unfortunate effect on Korean agriculture quite aside from the depriviations in diet, for it created a one-crop economy so that pleasants were without recourse if the rice was not abundant. Taxes ate up much of the peasant's profit and land rents accounted for the rest, for the transfer of land from Korean to Japanese hands continued at an acclerated pace, and the majority of Korean peasants became tenants. Most of them had to give half of their crop to the landlord as rent and in addition paid fertilizer expenses, and the government land-tax. Large numbers left their farms in despair to eke out a precarious existense in the mountains, using the slash-and burn technique to grow crops on the hillside, then moving on when the land became infertile. By 1939 the number of peasants had increased to 340,000 households, and thousands more had emigrated to Manchuria or managed to go to Japan. Further testimony to the ruthless Japanese exploitation of Korean agriculture is hardly necessary. Korean agriculture and Japanese agriculture were under the rule of same monopoly or oligopoly. Under such circumstances Korean peasants were diffrentiated into tenants but the differentiation of Japanese peasants was characteristic of standardization of middle class peasants. The difference between the two is due to the difference of exploitation. The downward differentiation of Korean peasants was due to severe exploitation. It means that the law of economics was bent by non-economcal means. Chapter 3: The Differentiation of Aariculture in Korea. On August 15, 1948, the third anniversary of liberation, the newly formed Republic of Korea was proclaimed to the world. But the net government was having a difficult time. So much money had to be spent on maintaining public order that shortages of essential goods and inflation followed. Under such circumstances early on the morning of June 25, 1950, masses of North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel and swept down upon the unprepared south. The causalities and damage inflicted by the war were heavy. More than half of all industrial facilities were inoperative. The rehabilitation of the prostrate Korean economy was hampered by the fact that capital was monopolized by a very small group which had, of course, important political connections. This situation had arisen because industrial investments before liberation had been over 80 per cent Japanese. When the Republic of Korea government took over this property, it disposed of it in a very unfair and irregular manner to a few favored people. This favored few were interested in only increasing and retaining their wealth, not in investing in the country's industry. As a result, the growth of small and medium industries was checked and heavy industry stagnated. Low productions meant shortages, which in turn meant inflation. Prices rose, but wages and salaries did not keep pace, while the fall in the real price of rice threatened peasant's livelihoods. A small rise in the price of rice meant little, for example, when the price of fertilizer rose by 500 per cent between 1953 and 1959. The agrarian reform in 1949 served that the tilled land formerly possessed by Japanese and Korean landlords with more than 3 Chongbo (a Chongdo is 2.45 acres) were ditributed with compensation to landless peasants or peasants with little land. However, it reglected economic problems and served only socio-political functions for Korean authorities. For size of holdings, after the agrarian reform tiny holdings increased. According to the statistics in 1949, 68.2 per cent of farm households had holdings of less than 1 Chongbo, 27.4 per cent held between 2 and 3 Chongbo and 4.4 per cent owned over 3 Chongbo. In 1951 these percentage were 78.5, 21.4 respectively. Since 1961 Korea has proceeded with extraordinary speed to equip itself with the productive techniques of the western style through the period of successive Five-Year plans. Vast foreign loans were required to import foreign capital goods to be used in the modernization of industry. Meanwhile, under state tutelage and the stimulus given by a high rate of investment, the consolidation of industries was going up leaps and bounds. The characteristics of the industrial structure of Korea can be summed up in a word as "subordination to an advanced economy." Generally speaking, the subordination of industrial structure was onesidedly compelled by advanced monopolistic capitalists at the stage of imperialism in the late 19th century, and today it has changed into a new form by the modern expansionism that has tried to maintain the 19th century's subordinative relations and those of today. In the less-developed economy, all ecnomic sectors is tightly linked with advanced economy. Under such circumstances the following economic policy is inevitable. In point of fact, the rice policy in Korea have neglected to raise the peasant's income. An industrialization of the country come to the first in the economic policy. An economic policy on the agricultural sector is counted the second target from the view of the national economy. Therefore, the government has not had a substantial policy to make a balance between income level of the agricultural sector and that of others. The peasant's income has rather had a pressure by the policy on low rice price. In Korea the government has collected a large amount of agricultural products every year since 1939 at the low price by the force. Because the purpose of the collection of rice and barley is mainly to check the causes of inflation which is likely to be occured in the process of an industrialization or a cheap living cost for a low level of wages, the government price is low in extent that the price hardly cnmpensate the cost of production. Therefore, the low level of government price is the price for exploitation to the peasant income. In addition, the low level of the government price of rice affects on a market price in the way that the former pull the latter down. The price mechanism of agricultural products is the most important factor for the increase of peasant's income. Even though the products in terms of physical unit increase. it cannot raise the producer's income if the prices of their products are low. This type of phenomena is seen in Korea at times. The inferiorities of price mechanism are found in three factors. The most important factor is that agricultural sector is under the rule of the monopolistic capitalists in the industrial sector. They want the low level of rice. Accordingly, as above mentioned, the government price policy must be carried out in such a way that the low level of price of rice is maintained. Other factors are a nature of agricultural products which are organic substance and the inferiority of supply which is a kind of dumping by poverty. Under such circumstances the differentiation of peasants has carried out as follows. During 1951-1973 according to the statistics, in 1951, 42.7 percent of farm house holds had holdings of less than 0.5 Chongbo and 17.08 per cent held between 1 and 2 Chongbo. In 1973 these percentages were 32.44 and 26.31 respectively. The middle class of farm households between 1 Chongbo and 2 Chongbo increased greatly. The others decreased. This is a trend in advanced countries at the stage of monopoly. In 1961, 6.13 per cent held between 2 and 3 Chengdo but in 1973, 4.82 per cent held between 2 and 3 Chongbor. In 1973, only 1.51 percent owned over 3 Chongbo and this class did not increase. Chapter 4: Conclusion The following are drawn by this analysis. 1) The direction of economic policy should fit the economic structure. 2) The abolishment of the upper limit of land ownership is impossible because the standardization of middle class peasants is a general trend. 3) Under such circumstances it is difficult to develop an agricultural enterprise. 4) The middle class peasants should be increased in number. 5) The cooperative system should be established in marketing of agricultural products.

韓國 農業構造 近代化의 基本方向

都禹鉉 東亞大學校 1966 東亞論叢 Vol.3 No.-

In this modern capitalistic world the small economic unit survives in large numbers; small-scale production continues to exist even in the most advanced countries and in Korea 75 percent of farmers owns land less than one hectre. But large-scale production holds a key position in the total economy. Agriculture, too, has nowadays examples of large-scale production, though in most countries the typical productive unit is still small. It is an unquestionable fact that large-scale production is the only foundation on which economic productivity can he built in agriculture as in industry. This essay was carried out in the following order and reached the conclusion as follows: (1) Preface (2) Capitalism and Agriculture (i) The modernization of economic structure is its capitalization in the free capitalistic world. (ii) Agriculture could be captured by capital. (3) Superiority of Large-scale Production and Farm Economy in Korea. (i) Large-scale production is superior to small-scale production in agriculture as in industry. (ii) The farming sector is by far inferior to other sectors in Korea. (4) A Way to Modernization of Agricultural Economy The modernization of agricultural economy could be carried out only by cooperative organizations of farmers or peasants. (5) Conclusion Members of co-operative organizations are transformed into stock-holders of joint-stock companies under the capitalistic environment.

經濟現象間의 函數關係 定立에 關한 小考 : 限界分析을 中心으로

都禹鉉 東亞大學校 1964 東亞論叢 Vol.2 No.1

On coming to the end such an essay as this, the following may come to the conclusion: (1) Each economic phenomenon expressed as a quantitative functionl relation is an essential historical one whichexpresses the human relation. (2) The economic causes could not be sought esentially by psychological methods. (3) A quantitative superficial movement between economic phenomena could only be illustrated with a pure mathematical apparatus. (4) The contradictions between such twe methods are inevitable. (5) It seems to call us back to the right path towards economics that social economic problems should be investigated by "the scientific method".

韓國 農民의 階層分化 및 農村 勞動力 流出에 관한 硏究

都禹鉉 東亞大學校 1970 東亞論叢 Vol.7 No.-

Most Economists generally concur that there are no cases of successful development of a major country in which agricultural development did not accompany industrial one. In Korea it is more and more apparent that development over the long run is not likely to occur if it is tied to both an agricultural and industrial foundation. However, according to the statistics the agricultural sector has been inferior to the non-agricultural one. The causes of such a inferiority in Korean agriculture are able to draw from the transformation of agricultural process. The following conclusions and arguments are drawn by statistics and survey. 1. The Classification of Farmers. During the Japanese Rule, more than 70 per cent., of Korean population were engaged in agriculture and as the result of land consolidation by Japanese (including the govenment, civilians and organization) except for approximately 18 per cent., who were self-employed, the Korean farmers belonged either to the pure tenant-farmer category and had no land of their own or to the poor farmer category and worked their own small plots along with the land held by wealthier landlords. Through the period the number of the pure tenants (having no land of their own rapidly increased. According to the statistics on tenancy the number of them increased from 36.8 per cent. in 1916 to 51.9 per cent. in 1936. This indicated the transfer of land ownership from peasnts to landlords; Landowner cultivators abandoned their own and rich farmers did not carry out entrepreneural (capitalistic) production and raised themselves as landlords because of high rents. This is the very cause of impossibility of capitalistic production in agriculture. After the Liberation, the land reform in 1949 served that the tilled land formerlly possessed by Japanese and Korean landlords with more than 3 Chongbo (a chongbo is 2.45 acres) were distributed with compensation to landless peasants or peasants with little land. However, it neglected economic problems and served only socio political functions for the Korean authorities. For size of holdings, after the land reform tiny holdings increased. According to the statistics, in 1948 68.2 per cent. of farm househoulds had holdings of less than 1 Chongbo, 27.4 per cent. held between 2 and 3 Chongbo and 4.4 per cent. owned over 3 chongbo. In 1951 these percentages were 78.5, 21.4, and 0.1 respectively. Such a small scale of family farm is still remained. In 1969 the average size of family farm is about 0.9 Chongbo. It is so small that the farming is not carried out by a entrepreneural production. The increases in tiny holdings rapidly created a poor peasant class who could not earn living cost with agricultural income. They have to be employed by rich owner farmers to earn living cost. The number of such employed peasants rapidly swelled. The number of the farming households that held less than 0.5 Chongbo was 35.6 per cent. of total farming househoulds. They belonged to agrarian wage-earning employee category, because their agricultural income was 57 per cent. of living cost and their wage income was 30.2 per cent. of total income. This is one of the main charateristics of agricultural process after the land reform. 2. Migration of Agricultural Over-population As above, mentioned during the Japanese rule more than 70 per cent. of Korean population were engaged in agriculture though industry in Korea gradually developed. But it was dependent upon the Japanese economy. The Japanese forced Korea to be their commodity market and a source of supply of raw materials. Thereby, the partial industrialization dependent upon the Japanese economy was carried on. Industrial growth was not enough to make the kinds of inroads into the agricultural population. In other words, the surplus over population was not capable of being absorbed by non-agricultural sectors. Furthermore, the Japanese confiscated land holdings of Koreans by a variety of unjust means through the land survey program after 1910. In addition, the lopsided distribution of land, coupled wirh an iniquitous system of rent (farm rent averaged from 50 per cent. to 60 per cent. of the crops, often mounting 70 per cent.) had caused much unrest among the peasants. Under such circumstances, productivity of farmers was so low that disguised employees were overflowed in rural areas. On the other hand, many peasants were forced to migrate to Manchuria, Siberia, and Japan. According to the statistics, the number of them was about 3.5 millions in 1945. During the period after World War Ⅱ to the present, the korean rate of industrial growth was not rapid enough to absorb the surplus over population. According to the statistics about 8 million workers are engaged in the farming production and 2.5 millions of workers in the agricultural sector are over employed. These unemployees can exist in rural areas by the strong tie of family system. In addition, the number of employed workers in agricultural secror is subject to sharp fluctuations according to seasons and employment is not stabilized. The recent migration from rural areas to urban ones is not due to find more productive, stable non-agricultural employment. According to the statistics, the composition of wage earning employees shows 5.1 per cent. in primary industry, 23.3 per cent. in secondary industry and 71.6 per cent. in tertiary industry, excluding irregular workers and workers at daily. 3. The Disparity Between Agricultural Sector and Non-agricultural One Economic policies in Korea have neglected to make a balance between income level of the agriculturla sector and that of non-agricultural one. A Meosum(considered as an agrarian laborer) can earn only 71,900 Won a Year. It is not only 55 per cent. of the average living cost of the laborers. It is on the average only 67.9 per cent in comparison with the secondary industrial laborers. But the proportion of wage and living cost is about 80 per cent. in the latter. Such disparity of wages and low wage level is due to the dualism in the economic structure and the oversupply of labor force in korea. 4. Agrarian Problems in Korea Most economists concludes that economic development requires the vast numbers of rural people shift out of agriculture. They has also agreed that industrialization is necessay if such a redundant rural people is to find more productive non-agricultural employment, thereby permitting those who remain in agriculture to recognize their farms into more productive large scale units. Therefore, agrarian problems are to be solved only if researched as the problems of interrelationships between agricultural and industrial-urban development.

獨寡占下의 生産構造와 農産物 流通構造의 改善의 方向

都禹鉉 東亞大學校 1972 東亞論叢 Vol.9 No.-

Laissez faire may have dominated Western Europe economic policy during the first half of the nineteenth century. Up to the last half of the nineteenth century the new industrialism had taken root only in Western Europe and to a less extent in the United States. As the size of the business unit increased and competition became more reckless and exacting, the old fashioned methods of conducting a business by means of individual ownership or partnership became inadequate. The funds needed for buildings, equipment, and stocks were too great to be undertaken singly. As a consequence, the corporate form of business was adopted to suit the new needs. While some large concerns have achieved their size by internal growth, many more have come to their prsent greatness through the consolidation of industries engaged in the production of similar commodities. After the panic of 1873, consolidation movement can be divided according to the forms which it has taken; ① pools ② trust ③ cartel ④ holding companies. In the 1960s there was a speed-up in the merger movement, particularly in connection with take-overs by "conglomerates" (the giant coporation), which brought under one roof scores of companies belonging to quite unrelated indutsries. Such a trend of the consolidation of industries means "Large size breeds sucoess, and success breeds further success". As to marketing, large-scale oligopolistic or monopolistic production has always tended to reduce the expenses by the elimination of salesmen through the control of their marketing system. Eventually it has been achieved by the greater strength of capital. As to agricultural sector, the price for the farmer has always been kept lower than necessary, furthermore, he has been forced to accept what was given by the giant corporations. Monopoly has resulted in decline of agriculture. Korea, long almost isolated from world, has proceeded with extraordinary speed to equip itself with the productive techiques of the Western style through the period of the successive Five-Year Plans. Vast foreign loans were requied to import foreign capital goods to be used in the modernization fo industry. Meanwhile, under State tutelage and the stimulus given by a high rate of investment, the consolidation of industries was going up leaps and bounds and industrial production much increased. To the contrary, there has always been too many peasants on the lands cultivated by primitive methods. In 1971, the average size of family farm was about 0.9 Chongbo. Marketing is very dependent upon social environment: There are differences in the marketing process in different societies and in a given society at different stages of historical development. As described above, the consolidation of industries has been deeply proceeded. Big corporations have always tended to reduce the expenses which peasants have tended to do by the elimination of middle-men. In Korea, the marketing system of agricultural commodities which has enforced peasants to be suffered by middle-men is much complicated. So, cooperative marketing of rice which reduces expenses much be completed to develop stable rice market.

Lif(Mg, Cu, Na, Si) 열형광선량계를 사용한 60 Cr- 선의 수중흡수선량 측정

김현자,정운혁,이우교,도시홍 대한방사선 방어학회 1990 방사선방어학회지 Vol.15 No.2

새로 개발한 LiF(Mg, Cu, Na, Si)열형광선량계를 사용하여 60Co원격조사장치에 의한 수중흡수 선량을 측정하였다. 공기중 조사선량으로부터 TLD공동의 흡수선량 교정인자(DTLD/TL)를 결정하였고, 수중흡수선량은 TLD공동의 흡수선량을 측정하여 공동이론에 의해 해석하였다. 10×10cm 2 및 5×10cm 2의 빔 크기에서 팬텀내 여러지점에 대하여 LiF(Mg, Cu, Na, Si) TLD로 수중흡수선량을 결정하고 동일한 위치에서 NE 2561전리함을 사용하여 측정한 값과 비교한 결과, LiF(Mg, Cu, Na, Si)TLD의 측정오차(±3%)범위내에서 잘 일치 하였다. 빔의 크기가 5×5cm 2, 10×10cm 2 및 30×30cm 2인 경우에 깊이-선량 백분율과 팬텀-공기 선량비를 측정하였으며 이 값들은 British Journal of Radiology(1983)의 데이터와 잘 일치하였다. Newly developed LiF(Mg, Cu, Na. Si) thermoluminescence phosphors sealed in a plastic capsules(3.2mm dia., 0.9mm wall thickness) were used for in-phantom dosimetry of 60Co r-irradiation. The absorbed doses in water were determined by applying the general cavity theory to the absorbed dose in TLD cavity, which was computed from exposure. The absorbed doses at various sites in the water-phantom were measured by LiF(Mg, Cu, Na, Si) TLD and compared with doses obtained by the ionization method. Both results were consistent within the experimental fluctuation(±3%). Central axis percentage depth doses and phantom-air ratios measured by LiF(Mg, Cu. Na, Si) TLD showed good agreement with the published values [Br. J. Radiology. Suppl. 17(1983)].

족관절 내과골절에서 피질골 나사못을 이용한 변형된 긴장대 고정술

최호림,도현우,김병흠,김규현,박종석,송준민 대한골절학회 2004 대한골절학회지 Vol.17 No.4

목적 : 전위된 족관절 내과골절에 대해 피질골 나사못을 이용한 변형된 긴장대 고정술을 이용한 치료결과를 분석해 보고자 하였다. 대상 및 방법 : 2001년 1월부터 2003년 1월까지 전위된 내과골절에 대해 변형된 긴장대 고정술을 시행 받고 최소 1년 이상 추시관찰 가능 하였던 24례를 대상으로 하였다. 남자 13례, 여자 11례로 평균 연령은 46세였다. 골절은 Lauge-Hansen 분류법을 사용하였으며, 결과는 Meyer와 Kumler의 평가 방법을 이용하였다. 결과 : 13례 (54%)에서 우수의 결과를 얻었고, 9례 (38%)에서 양호의 결과를 얻었으며, 운동범위의 제한이 발생한 1례에서 보통, 후외상성 관절염이 발생한 1례에서 불량의 결과를 얻었다. 결론 : 전위된 족관절 내과골절에서 피질골 나사못을 이용한 변형된 긴장대 고정술은 견고한 내고정과 조기 관절 운동이 가능한 효과적인 수술 방법이 될 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. Purpose : To evaluate the clinical results of modified tension band wire technique using cortical screw for treatment of displaced medial malleolar fractures of the ankle. Materials and Methods : From January 2001 to January 2003, 24 patients were treated by modified tension band wiring using cortical screw for medial malleolar fracture. The follow-up period was 12~35 months (average 18 months). There were 13 males and 11 females, and the mean age was 46 years. Fractures were classified by Lauge-Hansen's classification. The results were analyzed by Meyer and Kumler's criteria. Results : There were 13 cases (54%) of excellent, 9 cases (38%) of good, and one case of fair because of limitation of motion of the ankle joint and one case of poor which showed post-traumatic arthritis of the ankle. Conclusion : Modified tension band wire technique using cortical screw can be an effective operative method for the treatment of displaced medial malleolar fractures of the ankle.

용액 미립화공정 기반의 마이크로 스텐실 프린팅에 관한 연구

당현우(Hyun Woo Dang),김형찬(Hyung Chan Kim),고정범(Jeong Beom Ko),양영진(Young Jin Yang),양봉수(Bong Su Yang),최경현(Kyung Hyun Choi),도양회(Yang Hoi Doh) Korean Society for Precision Engineering 2014 한국정밀공학회지 Vol.31 No.6

ESD 전극을 이용한 분무코팅 균일도 개선에 관한 연구

당현우(Hyun-Woo Dang),양성욱(Seong-Wook Yang),도양회(Yang-Hoi Doh),최경현(Kyung-Hyun Choi) 한국기계가공학회 2016 한국기계가공학회지 Vol.15 No.2

In this study, experiments are conducted to improve spray coating uniformity by using second and third electrodes based on the electrospray atomization mechanism. The uniformity of fabricated thin films can be improved by adjusting the design of the second electrode. The implementation of the second electrode with an elongated hole and a bending angle of 90° results in highly uniform films. In addition, induced area to substrate is increased by lowering the applied voltage using the third electrode with a round rod shape. A linear correlation between applied voltage and induced area is confirmed. Thin film thickness and surface roughness are measured after the fabrication of thin films through the electrospray process. It is confirmed that a thin film is formed having an average thickness of 273.44 ㎚, a thickness uniformity of less than 10%, and a surface roughness of 3 ㎚.

레온티에푸 체계의 생산함수및 그의 동학체계에 관한 소고

도우현 ( Woo Hyun Doh ) 한국경제학회 1962 經濟學硏究 Vol.10 No.1