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최준수(Joon Soo Tchoe) 현대문법학회 2013 현대문법연구 Vol.74 No.-
In Tchoe (2012, 2013) I have argued that the ECMed DP in Korean is in fact a base-generated proleptic argument. In this subsequent work I will tackle a variety of questions contained in this conclusion. But in the first part of the article, I will delve rather into the Multiple Nominative/Accusative constructions in Korean, which have always been assumed to posses distinct syntactic representations and derivations from the ECM constructions. I will show that the Multiple Nominative/Accusative constructions are also a base-generated proleptic construction. Given this, the unique difference between ECM constructions and Multiple Case constructions in Korean is the fact that in the latter types of constructions the grammatical (thematic/narrow, in other terms) subject/object is always represented by a DP. Upon this observation, four assertions will be made on the syntax of Korean. The first one is that Korean employs two types of syntactic objects to represent in syntax an argument selected by a predicate; the one is a continuous expression and the other a discontinuous expression in the sense of Hale (1981 et seq). I refer, as a continuous expression, the nominal or propositional expressions that function like a single syntactic object with regard to syntactic operations such as scrambling. For nominal or propositional expressions whose parts split off after the Case-checking, I will refer them as a discontinuous expression. I will also show that discontinuous expressions have nothing to do with so-called symmetrically Merged unstable syntactic objects (Chomsky 2013, Moro 2007 and Ott 2011, forthcoming). But I am not ready to propose any tangible idea on the internal composition of the discontinuous expressions. The second assertion put forward is that discontinuous expressions always consist of a proleptic argument and a grammatical subject/object. The third and last assertions are that proleptic arguments are assigned a pragmatically accessible θ-role and that they appear on the left side of the grammatical subject/object at least in Korean.
최준수(Tchoe, Joon Soo) 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.1
This paper explores the derivation of the constructions known as direct passives, indirect (or adverse) passives and causatives in Korean. In the literature, there are two major points generally accepted: 1) Korean has passive and causative morphemes, 2) these morphemes are syntactic functional categories which decides the Voice or Causativity of the construction. But I will provide a different analysis by arguing three points: 1) so-called passive and causative morphemes are not syntactic functional categories. 2) they combine, in a highly unpredictable way, with a predicate in the Lexicon but not in narrow syntactic components. 3) the function of these morphemes is to produce a lexically derived predicate through the modification of the argument structure or through the change of the Ɵ-role assigned to an external argument. In other words, I will put forward the hypothesis that Korean passive and causative predicates are lexically derived and that this language has no syntactic Voice and Causativity distinction. In the passage, we will see, as a by-product, that there is no inchoative construction in Korean.