韓半島 靑銅器文化의 經濟的 背景

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-Hae) 한국사연구회 1987 한국사연구 Vol.56 No.-

고고학자료로 본 斯盧國 六村

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-hae) 한국고대사학회 2008 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.52

이 글에서는 문헌자료와 고고학자료를 활용하여 신라 건국신화에 나오는 六村이라는 정치체가 후대에 부회된 허구적인 존재가 아니라 역사적 실체임을 밝히고자 하였다. 육촌 허구설의 주요 근거는 신라에서는 4세기 이후 촌이라는 용어를 사용하기 시작하였고 성을 칭한 것도 6세기 이후이므로 六姓始祖설화가 완성되는 과정에서 六村의 존재가 새로이 만들어졌다는 것이다. 그러나 六村 전승과 六姓시조 설화는 성립시기와 성립 배경이 서로 다른 별개의 전승이다. 六姓 가문의 시조설화는 통일기 이후에 만들어진 것이며, 六村 전승은 훨씬 이전에 형성된 것이다. 건국신화 완성시 이전부터 전해오던 六村 전승에 六姓의 始祖 설화를 부회하여 두 갈래의 전승이 하나로 합쳐졌고 이 때 후대적 요소가 부가되었다. 육촌의 형성 배경을 뒷받침하는 고고학자료는 기원전 2세기 말이래 경상도 각지에서 새로이 등장하는 목관묘, 목곽묘로 구성된 대규모 집단묘역이다. 이의 출현은 위만조선 멸망을 전후하여 서북지방에서 일어난 정치, 문화적 파동의 여파로 유발된 연쇄적인 주민 이동의 결과물이며 새로운 정치체 형성을 반영하는 자료이다. 村과 部의 차이는 공간적인 확대나 양적인 확대만이 아니라 결속 관계의 질적 변화를 동반하는 것이다. 경주에서 울산으로 통하는 동남 방면의 목관묘, 목곽묘자료 유적 중에서 초기 진지촌과 관련지울 수 있는 세력은 구정동 유적과 입실리유적 두 곳이다. 3세기 후반까지 이들을 중심으로 양적 확대 과정이 있었으며 3세기말~4세기 초반에 이르러 구정동 세력의 우세가 뚜렷해진다. 하지만 집단간의 결속 관계는 아직도 병렬적인 구조를 완전히 극복하지 못하였다. 고고학자료상으로 집단간의 결속 관계에 질적인 변화가 분명해지는 것은 적석목곽분 단계이며 촌에서 부로의 전환도 이와 동일한 맥락에서 이해할 수 있다. 六村은 사로국을 구성한 6개 읍락에 해당하며 이러한 고고학자료의 검토를 통해 진한 소국을 구성한 읍락이라는 정치체의 등장시기, 배경, 그리고 공간적인 분포 상태 등을 알 수 있다. In Samguk sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) and Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), mythologies say that Silla had been established from the unification of ‘six-chon’ (six village groupings), and the chiefs from these groupings, in later period, became the six founders of Silla. Therefore, studying Saro's ‘six-chon’ is essential to understand Silla's early stage of growth including the formation of Saro and its development processes. The purpose of this article is to support the existence of ‘six-chon’ that once had constituted Saro. Examining these six village groupings is important because it not only shed light on Silla's early history, but it also explains the formative background and the spatial distribution of the political entities(Eup-rak) constituting Samhan's small states. Examining archeological materials and literary records, the author, in this article, argues that the political entities called 'six chon,' as appeared in the mythology of Silla's formation, are not fictional (or imaginative) substances of the later generations. The author claims that they existed in real and should be seen as historical substances. Some arguments against disapproving the existence of ‘six-chon’ are mainly based on the logic that the story of ‘six-chon’ had been made during the process of perfecting the legend of six-clan founders of Silla, as well as the fact that the usage of the term ‘chon’ (grouping) was initiated after the fourth century in Silla, while the term ‘sung’ (family name) appeared after the sixth century. However, the legend of six-family name (6姓) founders was not established until the Silla Unification; whereas the transmission of the mythology of ‘six-chon’ appeared much prior to the Unification of Silla. These suggest that the two legends are distinct to each other. When Silla's founding legend had been completed, the story on ‘six-chon’ from prior period was manipulated, forged into the analogy of the six clan founders of Silla. During this process, the two distinct stories were combined, and substances from post-generational influence were added to the transmitted story of ‘six-chon’. Therefore, it is hard to approve the argument that ‘six-chon’ are fictional entities. Next, in this article, the author attempts to reveal the formative background of ‘six-chon’ by analyzing archeological data. After the late second century B.C. in Kyeongsang Province, agglomeration of wood coffin tombs have existed in large-scale. Such archeological data suggest that there had been rapid population growth within the Kyeongsang Province, and the formation of new polities occurred in large-scale. The wood coffin tombs located in Kyeongju area have the same historical context. In addition, the period of ‘six-chon’ formation in the literary records are identical to the archeological time period of the wood coffin tombs. Archeological data plays an important part in explaining the formative background of ‘six-chon’ of Saro. Lastly, by examining archeological materials of the wood coffin tombs located in the south-eastern side of Kyeongju area (from Gyeongjoo to Uoolsan), the author attempts to discover the scope and the growth process of Jinji-chon, one of the six village groupings in Saro. Among the tomb remains excavated in Kyeongju area, Gujeong-dong and Ipsi-li are the main political entities constituting Jinji-chon in its early development. Until the late third century, Jinji-chon expanded quantitatively. In later period, from the late third century to the early fourth century, Gujeong-dong group obtained superior power to Ipsil-li group. But, Gujeong-dong group had not yet overcome the competing forces within itself, such as Guo-ri group. These circumstances suggest that Gujeong-dong group had not completely overcome the parallel power structure within itself, in spite of the growing collaborative relationship with the polities joining from outside. According to the archeological rec

三韓社會의 농업 생산과 철제 농기구

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-hae) 역사학회 1990 역사학보 Vol.126 No.-

한국 初期鐵器時代의 政治體 首長에 대한 고찰

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-Hae) 역사학회 2003 역사학보 Vol.- No.180

The Early Iron Age in Korean Peninsula is the period when the usage of ironware was initiated based upon the already developed Bronze culture, The center of this period dates back to the second and third century B, C. At the time, in Korean peninsula, numerous polities were established upon the early iron Age culture. In this article, Uprak(邑落集團) represents these polities of the Early Iron Age, In order to shed lights on these polities' characteristics, this article examines the polity ruler's authoritative foundation and its changes over time, hence, suggesting the important differences between the polities of the Early Iron Age and the three Han called Sam-Han. The rulers of Upraks in the Early Iron Age were religious specialists whose authorities enabled them to achieve a significant status in politics, military affairs and economy. The examples of such powerful Uprak rulers are Sura of Gaya, Talhae of Shilla, and Jumong, of Koguryeo. According to documentary records, Jumong was described as a transcendent being that can control weathers on his will. Also, Suro and Talhae had a supernatural power to transform themselves into animals. And some rulers of Upraks in Koguryeo wore shaman costumes during rituals and ceremonies; these costumes were decorated with birds feather, hemp cloth or sea weeds, indicating the fact that the Uprak rulers were magic-religious specialists. According to archeological findings, the rulers of Upraks in the south-western part of the Korean Peninsula used various kinds of ritual tools mostly made of bronze. The ritual tools such as bronze mirror, bronze bell, rattle or cymbals-shaped bronze were believed to present supernatural abilities to the religious specialists for example, the magic powers to expel the ghosts and bring in super spirits or gods by generating lights and sounds. Also, with their advanced skills in bronze crafting, people in the Early Iron Age made images of agricultural gods, ancestor gods, or guardians and worship them. The most important duty as a religious specialist is to hold rituals and ceremonies to pray for the success in agriculture. Such agricultural rituals were related to the idea of worshiping ancestors because they believed that the success and failure of crop production was controlled by their ancestor spirits. Thus, after the death of a prominent Uprak ruler, people buried his various ritual tools in his tomb, and the tomb was used as an important ritual spot. In such context, the ritual and ceremony in the Early Iron Age functioned as important mechanism to bind Uprak members into a group. Since the late second century B.C., the polities were unified by region and emerged into more enlarged polities;Goguryeo on the Aprok and Hon River area, and Sam-Han 54 So-Guk(小國) in the south central part of the peninsula. During this transitional time, the rulers of Upraks were relieved of their role as a religious specialist; and their religious activities were entrusted to other religious specialists who nearly had responsibilities as sociopolitical rulers. From the first century A.D., the rulers of Sam-Han So-Guk reigned with his strong economic abilities and political powers with iron arms, Their authority as religious specialists was limited and fade away. Also, the essential ritual tools such as drums and rattles were positioned at Sodo(蘇塗). a divine territory; and the traditional religious activities held by magic-religious specialists were continued at Sodo, In Guk-up(國邑) area, center of So-Guk, new religious specialist called Chun-gun(天君) were appointed and performed worship ceremony of Chun-Shin, a god of heaven, who had superior position to the ancestor spirits of individual Uprak group.

4~5세기 榮山江유역 토착세력의 성격

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-Hae) 역사학회 2000 역사학보 Vol.166 No.-

한국 고대의 (古代) 밭농사

이현혜 ( Hyun He Yi ) 진단학회 1997 진단학보 Vol.- No.84

沃沮의 기원과 문화 성격에 대한 고찰

이현혜(Yi, Hyunhae) 한국상고사학회 2010 한국상고사학보 Vol.70 No.-

1980년 이래 중국 연구자들 다수가 기원전 4.5세기~기원후 1세기 두만강, 綏芬河, 興凱湖유역, 소련 연해주에 분포하는 團結–크로우노프카문화의 주인공을 옥저족이라고 주장하고 있다. 본고는 이들의 주장과 논리 전개 방식이 합당한지 검증하기 위해 沃沮의 기원과 문화성격 그리고 옥저의 지리적 범위가 확대 발전되는 과정을 검토하였다. 중요 내용은 다음과 같다. 옥저의 기원은 기원전 3~2세기 경 세형동검문화를 토대로 濊族사회에 형성되어 있던 夫租라는 읍락집단이다. 夫租즉‘沃沮’(漢代의 沃沮)는 기원전 108년~기원후 30년 漢의 군현으로 편제되어 낙랑문화의 직접적인 영향권 안에 들어 갔다. 기원 후 1세기까지도 중국인들이‘옥저’라고 인식하고,‘ 옥저’라고 기록한 대상은 인구 1000여 戶조금 넘는 함흥 일대의 읍락에 국한되어 있었다. 옥저라는 명칭이 함경남도 해안지역의 다른 읍락으로 확대되기 시작한 것은 옥저가 侯國으로 성장한 기원후 30년 이후이며, 한 걸음 더 나아가서 두만강유역의 읍락집단들을 옥저에 포함시켜 북옥저라 부르기 시작한 것은 빨라도 團結–크로우노프카문화가 끝날 즈음인 1세기말~2세기 초엽이다. 이 시기에 고구려가 성장하여 고구려의 중심지로부터 함흥–두만강 일대를 서로 연결하는 중요 교통로를 장악하고, 교통로 상에 위치한 중요 읍락들을 복속시켜 집단예속민으로 지배하기 시작하였고, 고구려가 두 지역을 통합하여 지배하는 과정에서 옥저라 부르는 대상이 두만강유역의 읍락들에까지 확산되었다. 그러므로 함흥 일대를 옥저의 범위에서 제외하고, 두만강유역의 읍락을 옥저의 중심세력으로 간주하고, 두만강유역의 초기철기시대문화가 團結–크로우노프카문화에 속한다는 사실을 근거로 團結–크로우노프카문화유적이 분포한 전 지역과 전 시기를 옥저라고 확대 해석하는 중국 연구자들의 주장은 시간적, 공간적 양 측면에서 문헌에 기록된 옥저의 역사적 실체와는 모순된다. Polities called Okcho(沃沮), Northern Okcho, and Southern Okcho(南沃沮) appear on historical records such as Sanguozi( 『三國志』), a historical document published in the late third century A.D.. Most researchers of Korean ancient history recognize that the geo–political center of the Southern Okcho was the area around Hamheung(함흥) city, while that of the Northern Okcho was the Duman(두만) River Basin area. Since the 1980s, a number of Chinese researchers have insisted that Duajie–Krounovka culture, which lasted between the fifth century B.C. and the first century A.D., was the remains of Okcho people. The artifacts and the archaeological sites of Duajie–Krounovka culture are widely distributed around the region comprised of Duman River basin, Suifenhe River basin, and Khanka(Xinkai) lake. This paper examines the origin and the cultural characteristics of Okcho(沃沮) and the process of its geographical expansion. The purpose of this study is to comment on the above assertion from the Chinese scholars. The main arguments of this article are as follows. The origin of Okcho is a polity called Bujo(夫租), one of the Ye tribal polities established on the Slender Bronze Dagger culture which had existed between the third century and the second century B.C.. From 108 B.C. to 30 A.D., Okcho(Bujo) was organized into a part of Han's four commanderies; consequently, it was directly under the influence of Lolang culture. Until the first century A.D., Chinese had recognized Okcho as a polity consisted of a thousand households located in Hamhung city area. It was not until the late first century when Okcho had developed into a statelet, confederating the polities around the coastal region of Hamkyoung Province. One step further, it was almost at the end of Duanjie–Krounovka culture when Gogguryo conquered the polities located in the Duman River Basin and Hamheong area and named this area as the Northern and Southern Okcho. The Chinese researchers' interpretation on Duajie–Krounovka culture, therefore, contradicts the historical reality of Okcho which appeared on historical documents as well as in archeological evidences. Excluding Hamhung area from the geopolitical territory of Okcho, the Chinese researchers claimed that the polities located in the Duman River Basin, which is recognized as the Northern Ockho, were the original center of the entire Okcho. At the same time, they assert that the entire spatio–temporal range of Duanjie–Krounovka culture was Okcho; however, Norhtern Okcho was only a part of Duanjie–Krounovka cultural area. The argument from the Chinese scholars, therefore, are neither logical nor based on objective understanding of archeological evidences.

新進化論의 이해와 적용을 둘러싼 몇 가지 문제

李賢惠(Yi Hyun-hae) 역사학회 1995 역사학보 Vol.146 No.-

한국고대사 연구와 공동체 이론

이현혜(Yi, Hyun-Hae) 한국고대사학회 2016 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.81

이 글은 한국고대사 연구에 활용된 공동체 이론의 연구사를 간단히 살펴 보고 한국 고대사 연구방법론으로서의 공동체 이론의 효용성을 검토한 것이다. 공동체라는 용어는 19세기 사회학자나 경제사학자들이 사용한 Gemeinschaft(공동사회) 또는 Gemeinde (공동체)에서 비롯되었다. 그러나 지금은 그 개념이 다양하고 적용 범위도 크게 확대되어 공동체(Community)의 범주 안에 가족, 친족, 농촌 마을을 넘어 거대 도시의 지역사회, 민족 혹은 국가와 같이 다양한 대상을 포괄한다. 현재 대부분의 사회학자들이 공동체의 핵심 요소로 꼽는 것은 지리적 공간, 공동의 유대, 사회적 상호 작용 등이다. 1950년대 이후 한국사 연구에 활용된 공동체 개념은 두 갈래이다. 하나는 칼 막스 계열의 경제사학이고 다른 하나는 서구 사회학의 공동체 개념이다. 이들 연구의 중요 논쟁점은 원시공동체 해체 시기와 그 이후의 사회의 편제단위로 등장하는 공동체의 성격에 대한 것으로 세대공동체, 친족공동체, 농촌공동체, 지역공동체, 정신공동체 등 연구자에 따라 용어와 기준이 다양하다. 토지소유관계의 변화라는 기준만으로는 한국고대사의 각 시기별 정치사회적 발전단계와 공동체의 변화를 검토하는 데는 한계가 많다. 혈연이나 물리적 힘만으로는 설명할 수 없는 이념적 요소 내지는 동일한 정치체의 구성원이라는 유대 의식 등 정신적인 요소가 함께 고려되어야 한다. 사회학자들은 농촌공동체의 중요 요소로 사회적 상호 작용, 지리적 영역, 자족성, 공동의 삶, 동류 의식, 목표, 규범, 수단의 공동 소유 등 다양한 측면을 주목한다. 이러한 다양한 접근 방법론에도 관심을 가진다면 지역별, 시기별로 다양한 성격의 공동체의 존재가 부각될 수도 있을 것이다. 그리고 공동체라고 하는 개념 틀은 한국고대사 연구를 위한 방법론으로서 유용하다는 평가를 받을 수 있을 것이다. This article was written with the purpose of investigating the effectiveness of the community theory of ancient Korean history as a research methodology by surveying the history of community theories of ancient Korean history. The term “community” originated from “Gemeinschaft” and “Gemeinde”, which were terminology used by 19th century sociologists and economic historians. However, the concept of community has expanded greatly in terms of its usage, and now it not only incorporates families, relatives, and agrarian communities, but also covers areas such as communities within mega cities and even entire nations as a whole. In present times, most sociologists consider geographical area, communal bonding, social interactions as the core in defining communities. Since the 1950s, the concept of community in the study of Korean history was divided into two different branches. One of the two branches was drawn from the study of Karl Marx’s economic history, the other was drawn from the concept of community from Western sociological studies. The main discussion points in these studies are the historical timeline of when primitive communities broke up, and how these communities shaped into the formation of units of society. Thus, the term and standards of community characteristics varies by scholars. These standards include concepts such as generation communities, kinship communities, local communities, spiritual communities, and so on. There is great variation depending on who conducted the study. The standard we use, the change in land ownership, has numerous limitations in studying the changes in communities and socio-political development by specific time periods. Therefore, we also need to take into consideration the ideological factors and sense of community as a common polity, rather than focusing simply on physical factors and kinship. Sociologists pay much attention and focus on diverse aspects such as social interactions, geographical boundaries, self-sufficiency, communal life, sense of community, and cooperative ownership of goals, regulations, and instruments as a crucial aspect of agrarian communities. If we were to put more emphasis on taking various approaches and methodologies in studying communities, we will be able to uncover a more diverse range of communities with different characteristics in different periods of time. It is then that we will be able to utilize the concept of community as a useful conceptual framework in studying ancient Korean history.