동일한 음악에 대한 소비자의 감정반응 차이 : 광고음악이 유도할 수 있는 감정에 대한 가능성

이은정(Yi, Eun-Jeong),김주호(Kim, Joo-Ho),손주영(Son, Joo-Young) 한국상품학회 2021 商品學硏究 Vol.39 No.1

본 연구는 음악에 의해 유도된 감정과 소비자의 개인적 특성의 조절적 역할을 검증하고자 한다. 화성진행이 다른 음악 자극을 통해 참가자들의 감정을 측정하였으며, 실험결과 특정 음악적 자극이 소비자의 특정 감정을 유발할 수 있는지 여부를 확인하였다. 구체적으로는 성별과 사전 지식 등 개인의 특성에 따라 음악적 자극이 소비자의 감정에 영향을 미친다는 연구 이론을 검증했다. 분석 결과, 성별에 따른 유의미한 차이가 나타나지 않았다. 또한 사전 지식에 따른 차이도 유의미한 결과를 보여주지 못하였는데, 이는 음악에 대한 자극 반응이 개인적 특성에 따른 특수한 기호나 취향이 있는 결과물이 아니라는 사실을 뒷받침하고 있다. 이러한 결과를 바탕으로 본 연구는 광고 커뮤니케이션에 효과적으로 활용될 수 광고 음악의 구성적 특징을 밝히고, 음악이 성별 및 음악에 대한 사전지식의 정도와 관계없이 소비자에게 보편적으로 적용할 수 있는 설득의 도구로 활용되어질 수 있음을 알았다. 본 연구는 음악과 감정 그리고 삶의 질에 대한 보다 다양한 연구영역으로 연구범위를 확장시키는데 기여할 수 있을 것이다. This study attempts to verify the role of emotions induced by music and demographic characteristics of consumers. Participants emotions were measured through musical stimulation of different chord progression, and it was confirmed that a specific musical stimulus could trigger a specific emotion of a consumer. Specifically, we verified the research theory that musical stimuli would affect consumers emotions according to their personal characteristics such as gender and prior knowledge. The analysis showed no significant differences in gender. In addition, there aren t any differences in prior knowledge either, which supported the fact that reactions for musical stimuli were not the results of special tastes or tendency based on the personal characteristics. Based on these results, this study reveals the constitutive characteristics of advertising music that can be effectively used for advertising communication. It was found that music can be used as a tool of persuasion that can be universally applied to consumers regardless of gender and level of prior knowledge about music. This study could contribute to expanding the scope of research into more diverse areas of research on music, emotions and quality of life.

17세기 이스탄불에서 기독교인 이주의 영향

이은정(Yi, Eun-Jeong) 역사학회 2015 역사학보 Vol.0 No.226

This article explores interreligious relations in seventeenth-century Istanbul, where executions of non-Muslim religious leaders were occasionally reported, burned churches were confiscated by the government, and non-Muslims’ conversion to Islam was aggressively sought. such trends were recently attributed to puritanistic Kadızadeli movement or “confessionalization” of the Ottoman society. While accepting the validity of such religion-centered approaches, we should also remind ourselves of a very important but forgotten factor, namely the change in the makeup of Istanbul population caused by Christian immigrants including Greeks and Armenians. I reexamined Mantran’s and Yerasimos’s works and the documents that they used, and put them together with my other findings from primary sources from the Ba?bakanlık Ottoman archives and court records (sicill) from the Istanbul main court. It seems that over the 150years from the 1540s to the 1690s, Christian population increased several times, to reach probably half of the Istanbul population. This may have been the root cause of the many conflicts between religious groups as well as of many internal disputes within each religious community. Despite harsh reactions, however, Istanbul seems to have kept on accommodating many of the migrants in mahalles, guilds, and janissary barracks on a daily basis.

오스만 제국 길드 내의 '전통'과 변화

李恩廷(Yi Eun-Jeong) 역사학회 2001 역사학보 Vol.172 No.-

17세기 이스탄불 길드의 조직과 운영에 대한 試論

李恩廷(Yi Eun-Jeong) 역사교육연구회 2003 역사교육 Vol.87 No.-

There have been general assumptions that members of Ottoman guilds were rigidly controlled by the guild authorities and the government. However, after examining the structure and management of guild membership in seventeenth-century Istanbul, this study proves otherwise at least for that period. An average guild was loosely made of masters(i. e., full members) and apprentices, with a set of guild officials and elders. Neither the government nor the guild attempted to control guild membership for the sake of control. The government did not get involved in the management of guild membership except when it needed to register the members of dubious groups or to muster those who might be useful in emergencies. Whereas guild had to basically determine and manage its membership structure, there were other factors that could compromise the official rules. The guild, while being a collective organism constituted of shops, probably did not exercise full command over its member shops. Individual guild members could bring in outsiders by contracting partnerships and sublets. Shop owners, waqf administrators and renter-investors also seem to have had a say in determining who the new practitioner would be. As long as such room for encroachment did not create new competition or disorder beyond the level that the established guild masters could tolerate, it would not have worried them much. In addition, a guild could be as relaxed as not to object to intruders engaging in their trade as long as the latter paid a fair share of taxes. The multitude of soldiers and immigrants found in may trades by the mid-seventeenth century is evidence for the flexibility and unintentional "openness" of the guilds. However, the relaxed attitudes of guilds started to change beginning with the service trades that were vulnerable to outside competition. Membership control seems to have gradually strengthened over the next century with the spread of gedik, but probably not to the extent that it stifled any new development. In any event, the fluidity and flexibility of the seventeenth-century guild membership unequivocally show that these groups were not yet the heavily institutionalized guilds of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

西아시아

李恩廷(Yi Eun-jeong) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.183

오스만제국 근대 개혁기 군주의 역할 : 셀림 3세에서 압뒬하미드 2세에 이르기까지

李恩廷(Yi Eun jeong) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.208

Based on secondary materials, this paper deals with the Role of the Ottoman Sultan and its change over the period of modernizing reforms that stretched over a hundred years from Selim Ⅲ to Abdulhamid Ⅱ. The Ottoman reforms made a successful process in which centralization, mod-em state institutions, and educational institutions were established, and the sultan contributed enormously in maintaining and spreading the re-forms by personally taking the lead or at least supporting them. Even in the late 18th century when the imperial center almost lost control over the local notables, the sultan still remained the focus of imperial politics because of centuries of successful legitimation, and it was through the initiative of the sultan and not by other local notables' that the Ottoman reforms started and continued. During the Tanzimat period, although the sultan left the policy decisions to his bureaucrats who practically implemented reforms, the reforms continued to be generally supported by the sultans of the time. Under the autocracy of Abdulhamid Ⅱ the empire took an Islamic tum as a response to the encroachments by the Western Powers, but the changes in the state and society resulting from the long reforms had made the sultan's effort to single-handedly control state affairs not realistic anymore. Sultan's role as a symbolic focus did remain, however, and it had been a crucial driving force that enabled the reforms to continue.

17세기 초 이스탄불 마할레(거주 공동체)의 외부인에 대한 대응

이은정 ( Eun Jeong Yi ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

Urban mahalles of central Ottoman lands has been viewed as rather homogeneous, tightly-knit, and relatively unchanging. To have a fresh look at those apparently stable Ottoman mahalles, one may want to observe mahalles of a city for a particular time of distress in order to see what kind of problems they were faced with and in what ways they handled the problems. The early seventeenth century was exactly such a period in Istanbul, when myriads of immigrants flooded the city itself and its hinterlands in the aftermath of the Celali rebellions (1596-1609) in the Anatolian countryside. There were more non-Muslims than Muslims among the immigrants as indicated in the primary sources and secondary literature. While there was a visible increase in the number of Istanbul mahalles in the early 17th century probably due to the influx of immigrant population, the number of non-Muslim mahalles did not increase much. While non-Muslim mahalles must have accommodated non-Muslim newcomers, Muslim mahalles must have accommodated some as well. Religious homogeneity and exclusivity of mahalles may have been too excessively emphasized, as it is rather common to observe that some mahalles had mixed populations. Not only were Istanbul mahalles more mixed than expected, they were also quite open to newcomers as far as we can judge from the court cases (i.e. Seriye Sicilleri) of the period. Mahalles did have reasons for accepting newcomers, as they were faced with increased tax burdens of avariz (irregular taxes) and cizye(poll tax for non-Muslims), which were often communally collected, and as labor force was needed for those jobs not filled by Istanbulites. Mahalles seem to have wanted rich and morally upright newcomers in and potential troublemakers out, although it must not have been easy to distinguish between the two. It is shown in the expulsion cases that those expelled were supposed to find it easy to settle in a new mahalle. Especially, a certain Fatma Hatun who was of foul reputation was found to have been moving from mahalle to mahalle in a case of government inspection. It is clear that mahalles had complete power in the making of decisions regarding whether to take someone in or not, and the immediately affected neighbors or the co-religionists in the mahalle seem to have made crucial decisions.

17-18세기 이스탄불의 도시반란과 커뮤니케이션 (1651-1730)

이은정(Yi Eun-Jeong) 한국중동학회 2004 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.24 No.2

  Istanbul in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries underwent numerous rebellions, some of which were remarkable for the participation of civilians such as tradesmen. There were four such major rebellions: those of 1651 and 1688 in which the tradesmen organized into guilds constituted most of the rebels, and those of 1703 and 1730 that involved the military, tradesmen, and some segments of the elite. The occasional transpiration of large-scale rebellions involving tens of thousands of people provides us with a special opportunity to examine the mostly unlettered mechanisms of communication that facilitated the crystallization and expression of people"s political opinions. In fact, the prevalent means of communication in the Ottoman society was oral, symbolic, and/or ritual in times of rebellion as well as in normal times. For the rebellions, however, we have more records on how those means communication were actually used.<BR>  This paper explores the various forms of communication that appeared both between the government and people and among people of various strata in the course of rebellion, as these two levels of communication shared common means and themes. For example, there were petitions filed by the people, which the state only rarely and hesitantly rejected. Mass petitions were at the same time a very effective way to show the solidarity of protesters. In addition, symbols such as the banner of the prophet made an important focus of collective allegiance, which could be either used by the government or demanded by the people. Last but not least, the role of oral communication such as rumors circulated through the coffeehouses, mosques, sufi orders, or the network of everyday workplace could easily determine the course of event. With each new rebellion a new dimension of communication was added upon the experience from the previous revolts. Although the process of building and maintaining coalition involved occasional coercion and manipulation, the whole communicative process seems to have genuinely reflected the majority opinion of the Istanbulites. Finally, the existence of communication across the boundaries of social strata should be considered in the context of a decentralized society where no one group could monopolize the political processes.

음악의 화성구조가 소비자 감정반응에 미치는 영향: 화성과 색상 일치에 대한 새로운 맵핑

이은정 ( Yi Eun-jeong ),김주호 ( Kim Joo-ho ) 한국소비자학회 2017 소비자학연구 Vol.28 No.4

본 연구는 사전조사를 통해 어떠한 음악적 요소가 소비자의 감정에 영향을 미치는지 규명하고자 하였다. 문헌연구와 전문가 인터뷰를 통해 음악 안에서 감정에 미치는 요인이 화성구조를 바탕으로 기대감이 형성된다는 점을 발견하였고. 이를 바탕으로 실험용 음악 자극물을 제작하였다. 연구문제를 위한 본 조사는 화성구조에서 연상되는 색채적 이미지 즉 공감각 현상을 `작곡가에 의해 느껴진 색`, `빛의 파장과 음의 파장을 일치시킨 음색변환` 그리고 `색상환과 5도권을 일치시킨 4207 화성색감 시스템`과 비교하였다. 실험연구를 위해 정의한 음악과 색상의 자극 유형과 소비자의 정서적 반응에 미치는 효과를 20대 대학생을 대상으로 설문조사하였다. A-D-E(음악자극 1)로 진행한 화성구조인 음악자극1은 즐거움의 감정이 가장 높게 나타났으며, F-Bb-C(음악자극2)로 진행한 음악자극2는 슬픔의 감정이 가장 높게 나타났다. 음악자극1과 4207 화성색 감 시스템을 일치시킨 색상인 Yellow Orange-Orange-Yellow(색자극 1)에 대한 감정은 즐거움이 가장 높게 나타났으며, 음악자극2와 일치시킨 색상인 Red Violet-Violet-Red(색자극2)는 화남과 슬픔의 감정이 가장 높게 나타났다. 이는 음악자극에 의해 유도된 감정과 색상자극에 의해 유도된 감정 언어 이미지평가 결과가 일치하는 것을 알 수 있다. 음악자극1과 색자극1은 밝고 긍정적인 감정이, 음악자극2와 색자극2는 어둡고 부정적인 감정이 나타나는 것을 확인하였다. 연구에서 개발한 음악적 자극과 소비자 감정반응의 평가모델을 실제 사례들에 적용하여 분석하였으며. 음악을 활용하는 다양한 분야에서 소비자의 감정을 예측하고 관리할 수 있는 의미있는 시사점들을 제시하였다. 통섭이 학계 및 사회의 많은 영역에서 중요성이 강조되고 있음에도 불구하고, 이러한 영역의 학문적 성과는 여전히 피상적 수준에 머물러 있는 가운데 본 연구는 사회과학과 음악과의 학문적 융합을 도모했다는 점에서 이 연구는 의의가 있다. This research compared the color Image associated with harmonic structure, that is “synesthesia phenomenon”, with “the color felt by composer", "harmonic color system reconciled light wave and sound wave" and "4207 color system reconciled hue circle and circle of fifth. Music samples, stimulus types of color and comsumer`s emotional reactions were defined for the experimental research and these were conducted as a survey of university students for their 20`s. As a result, the word “excited” was shown at the top in “musical stimulus 1", tonal structure proceeding in A-D-E order. And the word .sad`, was shown at the top in “musical stimulus 2", tonal structure proceeding in F-Bb-C order. In case of the experiment that music and 4207 color system were matched, the word “excited” was at the top as responses of “color stimulus 1 - Yellow Orange-Orange-Yellow”. And the word “sad", “angry” was at the top as responses of "color stimulus 2 - Red Violet-Violet-Red". The result showed that feelings induced by “musical stimuli and "color stimuli “were mutually same. Bright and positive emotions were highlighted in "musical stimulus 1" and “color stimulus 1". On the other hand, dark and negative emotions were highlighted in “musical stimulus 2 and color stimulus 2".

부유한 수공업자와 가난한 상인 - 오스만 길드의 ‘평등주의’에 대한 재검토 : 부유한 수공업자와 가난한 상인

李恩廷(Yi Eun-Jeong) 한국중동학회 2007 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.27 No.2

Although some Ottoman craft guilds did have a quasi-egalitarian streak, we may not consider it a product simply of sufi-futuwwa ethics. Some of the futuwwah literature explicitly accommodates both artisans and merchants, and the futuwwah mindset, given its flexibility and amorphousness, could often have tolerated the relatively rich, as long as they provided charity and showed sympathy toward their less fortunate colleagues. Likewise, we find craft-guilds less adamantly egalitarian than we have thought. There is evidence that quite different scales of businesses could coexist in the same guild or trade, from the shop sales/rent documents, a waqfdocument, and tereke documents as we have seen in this paper. In the light of seventeenth-century Istanbul court records, most guilds seem to have been self-organized and self-defined professional associations whose purpose was to promote common interests. Therefore, their internal arrangements could vary greatly depending on their situations and needs, and egalitarianism may or may not have featured prominently in such arrangements. What guilds were about was to uphold the advantageous order in and around their trade. What they wanted was to guard their established interests and not necessarily to curb the rich, as long as the latter did not disrupt the order in their system. The leaders of the guilds must have been relatively well-off, being able to give some material service to other members and get good reputation in return. There obviously was wider differentiation of wealth within a guild, and guildsmen may not necessarily have considered this problematic, as it could have been beneficial to have some rich members in their group. In addition, we may need to re-consider the boundary between artisans and merchants. The line between the two categories is blurred not only by rich artisans but also by poor local retailers whose behavior, outlook, and even organization was similar to craft guilds. There were quite different levels of wealth on both sides of artisans and merchants, so that those who were at the high and low extremes may not necessarily have felt that they had much in common or belonged together as artisans or merchants. Meanwhile, artisans and merchants were in close relationship as the latter brought raw materials for the former and often provided credits. Business partnerships crossing the imaginary boundary between artisans on one side and merchants on the other must have been common. In addition, some vague terms that could be applied to both artisans and merchants, such as ehl-i suk and ?elebi (designating the prominent ones among them) seem to indicate that the two classes could merge to some extent in the eyes of the contemporaries. Now that it is clear that some artisan groups could tolerate economic differentiation in their guilds and that some individuals could become and remain relatively wealthy within the guild system, we should note significant exceptions to the stereotype of the Ottoman artisans as poor, egalitarian small producers. To further examine artisans" economic status and the whole gamut of their relations to diverse group of merchants would be crucial in reconstructing the fabric of Ottoman urban society and the dynamics therein.