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설측음의 음운표시에 관한 연구 : 국어의 설측음화와 비음동화에 관한 분석을 중심으로
이세창 한국음운론학회 2012 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.18 No.2
The task of this paper is to search for generalizations within /l/-/n/ alternations in Korean and seek links among the seemingly unrelated factors. I take the starting point the assumption that /n/ is hidden behind /l/ dominating a mora, which is based on the ideas of Browman and Goldstein(1986, 1989, 1990). Word-initial-/l/-avoidance is a direct consequence of the fact that mora is universally not licensed in syllable-initial position. This assumption enables us to provide a straightforward and transparent account not only of lateralization but of another interesting set of facts. Compared with previous treatment of lateralization, I provide a mechanism ensuring that the lateralization occurs in a symmetrical manner and nasalization takes place in derived environments. The central advantage that flows from the assumption is that multi-stratum approach is no longer necessary in explaining some behaviors of compound and verbal suffixation. In other words, a solution along these lines enables us to maintain a single ranking of constraints, which is one reasonable constraint enforced by standard OT.
A moraic analysis of lateral approximant in Korean
이세창 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2023 언어연구 Vol.40 No.1
The main purpose of this article is to present an account of symmetrical effect of Korean lateralization. We claim that the phenomenon can be adequately dealt with given our assumption that lateral approximant carries a mora and tends to form a geminate structure to preserve the mora. Syllable Contact Law as a universal OT constraint is rejected in favor of a geminate-inducing constraint. The constraint to the effect that a sequence of sonorant coronals is prohibited will be eliminated, too. We do not need to postulate two separate markedness constraints that militate against nl or ln sequence in Korean. By so doing, our basic intuition is captured that the tendency to avoid sequences of nl or ln results from one and the same constraint. When adjacent to labial or dorsal consonants, lateral approximant do not go through lateralization or gemination since it is to violate the high-ranking faithfulness of non-coronals. Some aspects of l-nasalization and word-initial l-avoidance will also be discussed. It is interesting to note that both of them seem to lend further support to our assumption about the geminate status of lateral approximant in Korean.
음운과정의 불투명성과 어휘부의 최적화: ‘ㄹ-불규칙용언’의 분석을 중심으로
이세창 한국언어학회 2004 언어 Vol.29 No.1
Lee, Sechang. 2004. Opacity of Phonological Process and Lexicon Optimization. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 29-1, 85-105. The purpose of this paper is to account for some of the opaque phonological behaviors of the so-called ‘/l/-irregular stems’ of Korean. I deduce a new optimization principle of lexicon from Prince & Smolensky's one, by which I claim that language learners are supposed to posit some prominent prosodic information in the input forms in the course of their learning. I assume that the relevant prosodic information is abstracted away from output forms and instrumental in postulating the proper input forms. Various irregular alternations will be analyzed and proven to be regular in the sense of the new principle of lexicon optimization. (Sookmyung Women’s University)
이세창 한국영어학학회 2015 영어학연구 Vol.21 No.2
Lee, Sechang. 2015. Revisiting the Great Vowel Shift as a consequence of Drag Chain. English Language and Linguistics 21.2, 21-40. The trigger of the Great Vowel Shift(GVS, henceforth) remains as one of the outstanding and theoretically important issues in the history of English. Under the assumption that language users can have intuitions about the ways in which the vowels are spatially organized in relationship to another, two interpretations have traditionally been available. The high vowels diphthongize first, leaving ‘empty slots’, and half-close vowels move up into the empty slots, which in turn entails the next shifts, and so on. Alternatively, beginning from below, each vowel pushes the next above one up. Since the high vowels have nowhere else to go, they diphthongize. The theoretical issue here is that essentially, those movements are supposed to occur context free, i.e., they occur without any phonetic motivation. In this article I propose to show that certain instability in terms of constraint conflict in the system came to trigger the whole process of the GVS. By the time the GVS began, every (long) vowel in the system came under the pressure of maximizing sonority at the expense of tonality in the sense of Particle Phonology (Shane 1984). Once the problem has been put in these terms, it will be shown that the solution is all but self-evident: a drag chain type of reaction will be set up in the vowel space.