백제(百濟) 대성팔족(大姓八族)과 예(禰)씨

오택현 ( Oh Taek-hyun ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2021 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.84 No.-

백제(百濟) 대성팔족(大姓八族)은 중국(中國) 사서(史書)에서 확인되었으며, 총 6곳에 기록되었다. 기존에는 『통전(通典)』의 기록을 바탕으로 백제(百濟)의 대성팔족(大姓八族)을 파악했고, 그 결과 목(木)과 협(劦)을 합쳐서 하나의 성씨(姓氏)로 이해했다. 그러나 목협(木劦)만 복성(複姓)으로 기록되었다는 점과 대성팔족(大姓八族)이 기록된 순서가 이상하다는 점에서 검토해볼 필요가 있다. 대성팔족(大姓八族)에 관한 정보는 중국(中國) 사서(史書)의 「동이전(東夷傳)」에 기록되어 있다. 「동이전(東夷傳)」을 살펴보면 그 내용이 대부분 이전에 작성된 기록을 차용하는 경우가 많다. 새로운 내용이 추가되기도 하는데 이는 백제(百濟)에서 파견된 사신이 중국(中國) 관련 정보를 전달했을 것이며, 그 과정에서 『隋書(수서)』에 처음으로 대성팔족(大姓八族)이 기록되었다. 『隋書(수서)』에 기록된 대성팔족(大姓八族)은 『통전(通典)』에 기록된 협(劦)씨가 리(刕)씨로 기록되어 있다. 그리고 『隋書(수서)』와 비슷한 시기에 작성된 『북사(北史)』와 『한원(翰苑)』에도 협(劦)씨가 아닌 리(刕)씨로 기록되어 있다. 『隋書(수서)』 『북사(北史)』 『한원(翰苑)』이 7세기 초에 작성된 사서(史書)라는 점에서 8세기에 작성된 『통전(通典)』보다는 정확할 것으로 보이며, 백제(百濟)가 멸망하기 전에 전달된 내용이 당시 백제(百濟)의 상황을 잘 반영했을 것으로 여겨진다. 그래서 협(劦)씨가 아닌 리(刕)씨를 검토한 결과 발음상 유사한 예(禰)씨가 주목되었다. 예(禰)씨는 ‘ni’로 발음된다. 리(刕)씨가 ‘li’로 발음된다는 점에서 예(禰)와 리(刕)의 발음은 ‘n’과 ‘l’의 차이가 있다. 이것은 현대에 있어서 「ㄴ(n)」과 「ㄹ(l)」의 차이다. ‘ㄴ(n)’과 ‘ㄹ(l)’이 서로 통용되기에 예(禰)와 리(刕)는 같은 소리를 가진 글자라 할 수 있다. 그렇다면 왜 리(刕)가 아닌 예(禰)를 쓴 것일까. 시간이 흐르면서 거의 사용되지 않는 리(刕)보다는 비슷한 발음에 의미가 좋은 예(禰)를 사용한 것이 아닐까 추측했다. 게다가 백제(百濟)에서는 예(禰)씨가 중국에서 발견된 묘지명을 통해 확인되었다. 이들 중에는 백제(百濟)에서 가장 놓은 좌평(佐平)을 역임하였고, 대대로 좌평(佐平)이었다는 점에서 예(禰)씨가 백제(百濟) 사회에서 큰 영향을 끼치고 있었음은 분명하다. 특히 백제(百濟)가 멸망할 당시 그들의 위상을 살펴보면 禰씨가 대성팔족(大姓八族)의 하나였다고 보는 것은 무리가 없을 것이다. Great Eight Families(大姓八族) of Baekje(百濟) was confirmed in Chinese history books and recorded in six places in total. In previous research, family name(姓氏) of Baekje(百濟) was grasped based on the record of 『Tongdian(通典)』. Furthermore, I understood by connecting Mok-Hyeop’s family name(木劦氏). However, there is a problem in that the order of Great Eight Families(大姓八族) recorded in the librarian is strange, with the Mok-Hyeop’s family name(木劦氏) becoming 7 instead of 8 in Baekje, and the family names are not distinguished. Information about Great Eight Families(大姓八族) appears for the first time in 『Suishu(隋書)』. Most 「Dongyizhuan(東夷傳)」's follow the contents of previous history books. However, regarding the addition of the new content, it was judged that the envoy dispatched from Baekje(百濟) must have conveyed the information about Baekje(百濟) to China, and as a result, Great Eight Families(大姓八族) was recorded. In Great Eight Families(大姓八族) of Baekje(百濟) recorded in 『Suishu(隋書)』, family name(姓氏), which is said to be the Hyeop’s family name(劦氏) in 『Tongdian(通典)』, is written as Li’s family name(刕氏). Li’s family name(刕氏) is the letter pronounced ‘li’. Therefore, after examining the pronunciation of a surname similar to ‘li’ and a surname that has served as japyong(佐平) at least once, Ni’s family name(禰氏) is attracting attention. Ni’s family name(禰氏) is pronounced ‘ňi’ or ‘ni’. Compared to Li’s family name (刕氏), there is a difference between ‘n’ and ‘l’. This can be said to be the difference between “ㄴ(n)” and “ㄹ(l)” in modern times. It is thought that ‘ㄴ(n)’ and ‘ㄹ(l)’ are mutually accepted, and ‘li(Li’s family name(刕氏))’ and ‘ni(Ni’s family name(禰氏))’ are the same sounds. Finally, we considered why Li’s family name(刕氏) changed to Ni’s family name(禰氏). It was not used very often because there were no government officials. I used the simple letter “Li’s family name(刕氏)” because I borrowed the pronunciation of “A.” However, he speculated that over time he abandoned Li’s family name(刕氏), which was rarely used, and used Ni’s family name(禰氏), which had similar sounds but meaningful sounds, by family name(姓氏). The Ni’s family name(禰氏) of Baekje can be confirmed by ‘Yegun’s epitaph(禰軍墓誌銘)’ and ‘Yesikjin’s epitaph(禰寔進墓誌銘).’ According to the epitaph, they all held the post of japyong(佐平), and their grandfather and father were also japyong(佐平). This shows that the Ni’s family name(禰氏) had established a strong influence in the Baekje society. Especially, looking at their success at the time of the fall of Baekje, it can be said that the Ni’s family name(禰氏) was a comparable group as one of the Great Eight Families(大姓八族).

신명기 역사에 나타난 솔로몬

오택현(Taek Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2008 신학과 목회 Vol.29 No.-

The purpose of this study is to describe the deuteronomist's view of king Solomon as reflected by the whole history. For the deuteronomist, Solomon was a very significant king. The account of Solomon's birth had earlier already indicated that Yahweh love Solomon(II Sam. 12:24). The narrative of Solomon's vision and request for wisdom is certainly meant to reflect positively on him. Solomon's wise decision in the case of the two harlots makes him a model as a judge. Sheba's statement quoted above basically agrees with the deuteronomist's evaluation. Thus it is said in I Kings 3:3 “Solomon loved the Lord, walking in the statues of David his father." Solomon's important contribution was that he built the temple, allowing for the centralization of worship which according to the deuteronomist was so important in following his theology. At the center of the account of Solomon is the detailed account of this building project, climaxing with Solomon's lengthy speech and prayer given at the dedication of the temple. Despite the fact that David had not been allowed to build the temple, he is commended for having had the idea in his heart (I Kings 8:18). Solomon had built the Temple fulfilling the prophecy of II Sam 7:13. For the deuteronomistic view of the temple was central importance. Jerusalem was the city which Yahweh had chosen, and the temple was the place Yahweh would put his name. By building the temple, Solomon had made possible obedience to the law of Deuteronomy 12. In building the temple, Solomon is depicted as faithfully fulfilling his responsibility as protector of centralization of worship and continuing in the model provided by David. The Deuteronomistic picture of Solomon changes quite strikingly in I Kings 11. In this passage, the deuteronomist expresses a strong indictment of Solomon. Solomon has married foreign women who have succeeded in turning his heart after other gods. It is even stated that Solomon built high place for these other deities. Solomon had clearly violated the deuteronomic command for the exclusive worship of Yahweh and centralization of worship. According to the deuteronomist, Solomon failed as leader of Israel, as the one who was responsible for ensuring obedience to the law, and by virtue of this protector of the cult. Both the high and the low in the deuteronomist's description of the reign of solomon are explainable within the deuteronomist's view of kingship. The charge of the king to obey the law implied that the king was to lead Israel in such obedience. In building the temple, Solomon fulfilled this responsibility, and further covenant faithfulness in Israel. But in turning to other gods, Solomon failed to lead as a king should, and is appropriately indicated by the deuteronomist.

구약성서에 나타난 이집트의 모습

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2014 신학과 목회 Vol.42 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the Old Testament writers’ image of Egypt as reflected by the whole history. In ancient times, very unique natural geographical borders effectively isolated Egypt from the rest of the Near East, thereby favoring the uninterrupted development of the civilization distinctive to the Egyptians, generally undisturbed by foreign invasions. Blessed with a stable climate and extremely fertile lands, regularly watered by the river Nile, the Egyptians developed a rich agricultural economy, producing many kinds of wheats and fruits. For this reasons, Egypt became the granary of the ancient near east, especially in times of famine. The people of the Old Testament times often presents Egypt as a place of fertile land, but the picture is not monolithic. Upon closer examination, we find many figures fleeing to Egypt as a place of refuge for a number of prominent biblical individuals. But the Old Testament writers’ image of Egypt conflict with the dominant people’s image of Egypt as a “fertile land” or as a “place of refuge.” They reported as follow. First, the Old Testament writers are clearly recognized that Egypt is a land of abundance. But they always reported the Egypt as the fertile land of negative meaning that lead to destruction. Second, the Old Testament writers are also recognized that Egypt is a land of refuge. But they see adversaries of Israel successfully use Egypt as a place of refuge as they move from criminality to centrality again. However the prophet of God(ex. Uriah, Jer 26:20) also attempts to make Egypt a refuge, finally his efforts fail. So the Old Testament writers did not portray the Egypt as the place of refuge, but portrayed negative place to the people of YHWH. Third, the Old Testament writers, especially the prophets of YHWH, portrayed the image of Egypt as an enemy, and as a defeated one. So they said to all the people of Isarel “Do not rely on Egypt, only God you serve.” Through the above investigation, this study concludes that the Old Testament writers are overwhelming its negative image to Egypt, and constantly denying the folly of relying on Egypt.

이사야 1-12장에 나타난 정의(jpvm)

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2011 신학과 목회 Vol.35 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the current discussion of justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12. Scholarship is fairly well agreed that within these first 39 chapters there are clearly defined and agreed upon subjection, namely, chap. 1-12, 13-23, 24-27, 28-35, 36-39. And scholars also agree the situation of Isaiah 1-12 is the early works of First Isaiah, period of Syro-Ephraimite conspiracy(735 B.C.). Many verses in Isaiah 1-12 are clearly and primarily derived from a military milieu; land devastated and devoured, cities burned with fire and besieged, the taking of plunder, the presence of foreigners. In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is expressed in prophetic messenger formula as follow.: ① Prophetic Judgment Speech ⓐ Accusation(1:1-31(6 times); 5:1-7(2); 9:8-10:4(1)) ⓑ Announcement of Judgement(3:1-4:1(2); 5:8-30(1); 10:5-34) ② Message of Hope(4:2-6(1); 9:1-7(1); 11:1-16(2)) In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) in the social realm is associated with the widely dispersed cultural pattern of concern for the orphan, the widow and the poor. On their behalf, First Isaiah upbraids the negligence of the rich, the arrogance of the powerful, the greed of merchants and the propertied class. In this respect, the material content of justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12 is similar to that found throughout the deuteronomic theology. Similar concerns are reflected in Amos, Hosea, and Micah and criteria for just conduct is spelled out in the covenant stipulations of the Deuteronomy(Deut. 10:18; 24:17-21; 27:19). In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is associated with the judgment of the ruling classes and obligations of wealthy to care for the plight of the poor and vulnerable. The task of 'doing justice(jpvm)' is to set aright the social order by responsible governance on the part of the king and ruling class, and by just social intercourse on the part of the citizenry. The context is expressly political, economic and legal. Isaiah 1-12’s understanding of justice embraces social justice(as expressed in the variety form including the hendiadys(hqdc)), right judicial conduct, proper governance, and upright social intercourse. In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is associated with hope of YHWH’s promise. YHWH is the Judge who will bring right judgment(jpvm), i.e. salvation to the righteous and punishment to the wicked. The failure of the kingdom of Israel and Judah to effect justice(jpvm) in the social realm, the prophet looks forward to an ideal king who will rule in justice(jpvm) and righteousness(hqdc). Through the above investigation, this study concludes that First Isaiah utilized justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12 to validate Israel's crisis and to help his people have hope.

백제의 남근형 상징물과 그 의미

오택현 ( Oh Taekhyun ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.76

The man-shaped relics and fertility since prehistoric times, and have gradually become objects of worship. Since then, other meanings have been added to the man-shaped relics as society developed. In connection with Yin and Yang philosophy, the man-shaped spirit is regarded as a symbol of Yang. In other words, the meaning of man-shaped relics began to diversify and expand at some point. The symbol of the man-shaped type made in Baekje's Sabi Dynasty is a sign of this situation. So far, three man-shaped relics have been discovered. These are the Ain-shaped handle found at the Nonchi site, the Ain-shaped strip of wood found at the Neungsan-ri Temple site, and the Ain-shaped wood found at the Gungnamji site. If you look at the similarities between the sites where these man-shaped relics were discovered, you will find something interesting. The site is located on the main street leading to Saegduseong, and has been identified with relics related to religious services. This suggests that a masculine symbol may have been used as a ritual tool in Baekje. If you look at the examples in Japan, you can not only see the various Rite to Road and there are also Rite to Road with various functions. Many man-shaped relics were found in the ceremony. Such a situation cannot be confirmed in China, so it is presumed that it belongs to Baekje. In Baekje, a representative relic that seems to have used a man-shaped relics for good rituals was discovered at the site of Neungsan-ri-ji Temple. It is presumed that it has something to do with the Rite to Road because the inked script “Road” related to the road can be found on the first and second pages. In particular, the site of Neungsan-ri Temple, where the strip of wood was found, was located between the site of the third gate of Dongra Castle and the Neungsan-ri tombs. The site of the third gate of East Na-Castle is larger than the other gate gates and is located on a flat ground, so the gate is considered to be the main gate of Naseong. In other words, the place where the man-root-shaped strip of wood was found was a place where access to the capital castle could be controlled. It is believed that Baekje people wished that the plague and all kinds of bad spirits would not enter the city wall, and that the ritual was held outside the gates of Naseong and on the largest roads around the city wall.

신명기 역사에 나타난 여호야긴 석방구절(왕하 25:27-30) 연구

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2015 신학과 목회 Vol.44 No.-

The purpose of this study is to describe the deuteronomist"s view of King Jehoiachin’s release passage as reflected by the whole history. Jehoiachin’s release passage can be understood as a special feature to the last passage of the deuteronomistic history. According to 2Kings 25:27-30, Jehoiachin was released from prison in the 37th year of the exile, in the year that Evil-Merodach came to the throne(562 B.C.). Babylon’s new king Evil-Merodach treats Jehoiachin well, giving him a place of honor among the exiled kings in Babylon and providing for his daily need. Many scholars have read this passage in a variety of ways. Some think this passage simply ends Judah’s tragedy with a note of benevolent finality. Jehoiachin and Judean people exist in Babylon, but with no real chance of returning home. Some disagree their opinions. They argues that the prominence of God’s covenant with David in 2Samuel 7, indicate that Jehoiachin’s survival means God may again raise up a house of David. This possibility is just hinted at and with great reserve. In the scholarship of last forty years one may distinguish ‘minimalizing’ and a ‘maximalizing’ approach to the above question. The in-depth investigation is needed because such diverse argues, so we have to study the intent of deuteronomistic historian’s view. The deuteronomistic historian deliberately presents Jehoiachin"s release as a human development in which Yahweh"s own plans and purposes for his people. It is obvious that the deuteronomistic history is deeply rooted in the context of the exile and the situation of Judean community in Babylon. The exile as a historical background forced the deuteronomistic historian to explain Judah"s destruction and deportation, and to recover the loss of national identity. Through the theological reactions to the situation, the deuteronomistic historian depicted king Jehoiachin as the new hope of the Judean dynasty. Through the above investigation, this study concludes that the deuteronomistic historian utilized Jehoiachin’s release passage to validate Judah"s exilic period and to help his people have hope for the future beyond the destruction.

[추모논문] 김찬국의 제2이사야 연구

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 연세대학교 신과대학(연합신학대학원) 2019 신학논단 Vol.96 No.-

Professor Chan Kook Gim was one of the giant in the history of scholarship on the Old Testament in Korea. It is difficult to say which of his many works is best known or most responsible for establishing his reputation, but his studies of Deutero-Isaiah, may well represent his most enduring fame. The scholarly career of Professor Chan Kook Gim has spanned forty years since he first sat in the classroom of his revered teacher Dr. J. Muilenburg, at New York Union Theological Seminary. He was impressed with Dr. Muilenbug’s lectures and started his research of Deutero-Isaiah. He, who returned to Korea, conducted a lot of researches on Deutero-Isaiah for over 40 years. Later, he led the first-generation Korean Old Testament theology through the study of Deutero-Isaiah. Professor Chan Kook Gim proclaimed hope to the people and tried to overcome the chaos of history, just as Deutero-Isaiah did. He was a prophet who did not compromise with reality and shouted righteousness against injustice, but he was a more generous teacher to his students. It was because of the words of Deutero-Isaiah that he did not lose hope in the midst of adversity. He was very similar to Duetero-Isaiah in that he was involved in the study of Deutero-Isaiah with the history of the pain of our nation and during the turbulence of history. In conclusion, Professor Chan Kook Gim’s study of Deutero-Isaiah was a study that laid the foundations of the Old Testament theology in Korea and was a study that conveyed courage and hope to the contemporaries who were suffering.

말라기에 나타난 엘리야 전승

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2013 신학과 목회 Vol.39 No.-

The purpose of this study is to describe the final editor"s view of prophet Elijah tradition as reflected by the original book of Malachi. Nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible is it stated or implied that a human figure of Israel"s past would return and play a decisive role in Israel"s future as well. For the final verses of Malachi(4:4-6) do not refer to the coming of an Elijah-like figure, but rather to the arrival of Elijah himself. The story in 2Kings 2 about Elijah"s escape from death through heavenly ascension meant that he alone among the heroes of old was capable of returning to earth again someday. Yet many factor other than simply this belief in the prophet"s eternal existence contributed to the creation of an entirely new role for the figure of Elijah. Since the announcement of Elijah"s imminent return to earth serves as the source for all the later traditions about him as an eschatological prophet, it is necessary to be as clear as possible about what sort of figure Elijah represents in the Book of Malachi and what are his duties for the end-time. The appendix in Mal 4:4-6, which was added to the text sometime in the later Persian period, specially identifies YHWH"s messenger(3:1a) as the prophet Elijah using the deuteronmic languages. Clearly, Mal 4:5-6 is a reinterpretation of Malachi"s original oracle. The concern for covenant obedience and the language of covenant, which are only implicit in the original oracle, are made explicit in the appendix. The Torah of Moses and the prophet Elijah are mentioned in tandem. Law and Prophecy have conjoined. The final editor who penned these final verses obviously understood the messenger"s task of clearing way in the metaphorical manner. Elijah, then, is to make the people repent and to bring them back to the Torah of Moses and to the covenant relationship of their forefathers, else on the Day of Judgment those whose heart have not turned will feel the awesome and terrible wrath of God. Elijah is the last hope for God"s people. He was the first in the line of the prophets who resembled Moses and it is only fitting that he should also be the last. For the editor of the appendix, Elijah is the final and decisive figure before the end time. Through the above investigation, this study concludes that the later editor of Book of Malachi utilized Elijah"s tradition to validate Judah"s Persian Period and to help his people have hope.

신명기 역사에 나타난 지역주의 극복과 대구,경북교회

오택현(Taek Hyun Oh) 한국기독교학회 2004 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.31 No.-

This article aims to exposure the localism of churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province and to give biblical insights for dealing with that localism problem. For these purpose, this study adopt two methods: a field investigation and an exegetical - hemeneutical approach of the Old Testament. The Deuteronomistic History (From Deuteronony to 2 Kings) reveals that a kind of localism existed in the ancient Israel comparable with today`s one. The Deuteronomistic History does not want to be a bystander but to respond to and cope with that problem on the basis of his/her theology. Three stages are taken to advance this study. First, sermons preached by 20 well-known Churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province are analyzed for one year, especially before a presidential election. Outwardly they do not expose any kind of political tendency. Ironically, this means that the localism of this Province is supported in silence without being criticized: those sermons contribute to sustain the present state of localism. In second stage, various traditions, from Deuteronomy to 2 Kings, that show sort of localism and evils of localism are analyzed. Telling David story, King Josiah story, and Deuteronomy 33, the Deutremomistic History criticizes the localism and want readers to cope with that problem. Third stage is dedicated to a hermeneutic application of biblical insights on churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province. Linking the reality of churches in that region with biblical stories, some ideas overcoming the localism are deduced. In conclusion, the Deuteronomistic History make us acknowledge that if we encourage the localism or remain an unconcerned spectator on that problem, division, a sign of disaster, inevitably comes to bring about. This is a sharp warning to the churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province that want to assume the attitude of onlookers and not to be aggressive in pursuing their gospel of unity in God.

신명기 역사에 나타난 아사왕 - 왕상 15:9-24 -

오택현(Taek-Hyun, Oh) 영남신학대학교 2023 신학과 목회 Vol.59 No.-