Frost와 Longfellow의 소네트 율격에 나타난 제약

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2006 언어과학연구 Vol.36 No.-

대구방언 화자의 성조와 모음길이

손일권(Sohn, Il-Gwon) 언어과학회 2015 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.73

Daegu dialect is one of Kyungsang dialects which have been considered as a tone language. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the tone and vowel duration of Daegu dialect speakers in the younger generation are realized in reading a sentence to represent the meaning of homophones. To find out how much Daegu dialect speakers use tone and vowel duration, the speakers of Daegu dialect are compared with the speakers of Seoul dialect which has vowel duration, not tone. Two subject groups(18 female speakers of Daegu dialect and 8 female speakers of Seoul speakers) are in early twenties. According to the result of this experiment, Daegu dialect speakers still use pitch to distinguish the meaning of homophones. For two-syllable homophones, the second syllable has higher pitch than the first syllable regardless of H or L. Daegu dialect speakers use the overall pitch height of two syllables than the pitch difference between two syllables to distinguish the meaning. Daegu dialect speakers also make use of vowel duration though it is not as remarkable as Seoul dialect speakers do.

무성파열음의 VOT와 후행하는 모음의 상관성

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2012 언어과학연구 Vol.60 No.-

The purpose of this study is to show the relation between the VOTs of aspirated plosive consonants(ㅍ/ph, ㅌ/th, ㅋ/kh) and the vowels(이/i, 아a/, 우/u) which follow them. For Korean speakers, the VOTs of /ㅌ/ ([th]) do not show any significant differences before /이/ and /아/ (/i/ and /α/). The VOTs of /ㅍ/ ([ph]) do not differ significantly before /이/ and /우/ (/i/ and /u/), while those of /ㅋ/([kh]) before /우/ and /아/(/u/ and /α/). The VOTs are in are inversely proportionate to the distance between the places of articulation of the plosive and the vowel. For English native speakers, there is no significant difference between the VOTs before /i/ and /u/. However, the VOTs of plosives before /i/ (or /u/) and /a/ show significant differences. The results of this study show that the VOTs of plosives are affected by the following vowels in which F1 and F2 are changed.

어휘 성조의 세대별 차이

손일권(Sohn, Il-Gwon) 언어과학회 2016 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.79

This study examines the generational difference in the lexical pitch accent of the Daegu dialect, one of the Kyungsang dialects. The focus is on how the lexical pitch accent of speakers in their 20’s is different from that of speakers in their 50’s The results of two experiments (speech production tasks and speech perception tasks) show that there is a significant difference in the lexical pitch accent between those in their 20’s and those in their 50’s. The proportion of participants in their 20’s who produce minimal pairs without lexical pitch accent is higher than that of participants in their 50’s. The proportion of those in their 20’s who do not identify minimal pairs categorically is higher than that of those in their 50’s. In conclusion, these results indicate that the role of lexical pitch accent in distinguishing minimal pairs is weakened among Daegu dialect speakers in their 20’s. This change is more conspicuous in speech production than in speech perception.

한국어 화자의 영어 합성어 강세 실현에 있어 비음화와 모국어 방언의 영향

손일권(Sohn, Il-Gwon) 언어과학회 2020 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.94

This study investigated the acoustic characteristics in the stress realization of the two stressed vowels in an English compound as spoken by two different dialect groups (Gyeongsang and Seoul/Gyeonggi) of Korean speakers, and also whether or not nasalization occurs. Nasalization weakened the stress realization by the difference in vowel duration, especially for Gyeongsang speakers. The nasalization of Gyeongsang speakers reduced the difference in intensity, which prevented the stress realization by the difference in intensity. The nasalization of two dialect groups weakened the stress realization by the difference in pitch. The pitch and intensity correlation between two vowels was higher for Gyeongsang speakers than for Seoul/Gyeonggie speakers, especially when nasalization did not occur. This indicates an influence of Gyeongsang dialect on the stress realization in English compounds.

설측음화와 비음화의 음운ㆍ음성학적 분석

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 현대문법학회 2015 현대문법연구 Vol.85 No.-

In Korean, the onset constraints based on the sonority preference have the following hierarchy in the initial position of word : *ONS/RHO >> *ONS/LAT >> *ONS/NAS, and it offers a possible explanation for the prohibition on word-initial lateral. However, *med[ONS/NAS dominates *med[ONS/LAT (and *med[ONS/RHO) in the middle of word. Lateralization and nasalization in Korean are the phonological variation to equalize the sonority between the coda and its following onset according to *med[ONS/NAS >> *med[ONS/LAT without violating SYLLCON and IDENT-IO(cor/ant). However, this hierarchy cannot explain why both nasalization and lateralization are possible in case of /n.l/. To find out the reason, the phonetic experiment was conducted with the subjects who speak Daegue dialect, one of Kyeongsang dialect that is considered a pitch language. According to the precedent studies, neutralization does not occur at the strong position. In case of /n.l/, when subjects pronounce the syllable with /n/ using higher pitch than the following syllable with /l/, the syllable with /n/ becomes a phonetically strong position. Accordingly, /n/ can not be pronounced as /l/ by lateralization and instead, /l/ of the following syllable is pronounced as /n/ by nasalization. If subjects pronounce the syllable with /n/ and the following syllable with /l/ with the same pitch, lateralization occurs. The pronunciation of /n.l/ can be explained by phonetically strong position, not by constraints hierarchy.

공명음 음절말음에 이어지는 경음화에 대한 음성학적 특징

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2013 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.64

This paper examines the sonorant coda, stop onsets (voiceless unaspirated lenis and voiceless unaspirated fortis) and their following vowels in Korean. This study focuses on five dimensions of the phonetics of two-syllable words with tense, tensified or lax stops for ten female apeakers: duration, VOT, CoG, H1-amolitude, and H1-H2. This study reveals that the coda preceding tensified stops is longer than the coda preceding lax stops, and that the H1-amplitude at the clda preceding tensified stop falls sharply at 70% position of coda in contrast to the coda preceding lax stop that shows nonsignificant change in H1-amplitude. It is shown that the H1-amplitude of the vowel following tensification drops more sharply at 70% position than that of the vowel following tense stop at S1. For VOT, tense stops in S1 are longer than the tensified stops in S2, and there is no significant difference between lax and tensified stops in S2 For CoG, tensified stops are higher than lax stops in S2, while lax stops are higher than tense stops are higher than is concluded that tensified stops in S2 are acoustically differenr from tense stops in S1.

문장의 낭독에서 한국어 경음과 경음화된 폐쇄음의 음향적 차이

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2014 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.68

To compare the acoustic characteristics between tense stops and tensed stops when reading a sentence, this study focuses on four acoustic characteristics of two-syllable words with tense or tensed stops for ten female speakers: VOT, Closure duration, CoG and H1-H2. According to this study, the VOT of the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant is shorter than that of a tense stop. The VOT of the tensed stop following a stop, however, is the same as that of a tense stop. The closure duration of the tensed stop following a stop is the longest, followed by a tense stop, and then, the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant. The CoG1 of a lax stop is higher in the word-initial, but that of a tense stop is higher in the word-final. The CoG1-CoG2 of a tensed stop is lower than that of a tense stop, particularly in the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant. The H1- H2 of a tensed or tense stop has positive values when reading a sentence. However, the H1-H2 of the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant is closer to 0 than that of a tense stop or the tensed stop following a stop. In conclusion, the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant shows the acoustic characteristics of tense by VOT and H1-H2, and the tensed stop following a stop by VOT and closure duration.

도약율(Sprung Rhythm)에 나타난 언어적 제약

손일권(Sohn Il Gwon) 언어과학회 2003 언어과학연구 Vol.26 No.-

Hopkins` Sprung Rhythm is probably the famous and perplexing case of a meter from the view of conventional meter. A syllable is corresponded to a metrical position in conventional meter, but this one-to-one correspondence does not occur in Sprung Rhythm. In Sprung Rhythm, the number of strong positions is fixed in each line, but the number of weak positions between them is free. Sprung Rhythm is said to be the most natural and rhythmical meter for reciting. To prove this fact, I have shown that Sprung Rhythm is based on a mora foot. I suggested the following rules for each position and outriders. 1) A weak position contains at most a M or a ρ. 2) A strong position must contain a M. 3) If a weak position contains a ρ or a M, the syllables after its preceding strong position(M) become a outrider except the mora foot of a weak position. 4) A mora foot is formed in following constraint ranks : NoCoda ≫ S→W, Align-μ, Nonfinality (in the case of VCV), and S→W ≫ Nonfinality (in the case of a word-final stressed syllable).

소네트(Sonnets)의 율격에 나타난 제약과 위계

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2005 언어과학연구 Vol.33 No.-