軍閥과 土匪

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 역사학회 2002 역사학보 Vol.173 No.-

The aim of this paper is to examine, by investigating the formation and development of Lao Yangren group, the relationship between warlords and banditry in early republican China. It is my contention that this relationship was different from those of 1910s' in many sense that the former were prowling, professional. destructive. large-scale and looting whereas the latter were local. seasonal. small-scale. and "social bandit." These changes were largely stemmed from the administrative character of 1920s' Henan(河南) warlords. In the 1910s. the strategy against bandits was designed to liquidate them with close cooperation between military personnel and civil magistrate. In a free fight period of 1920s, however. it was transformed into the reorganization strategy. The change reflected that not only the size of banditry was enlarged. but the demand for their equipment was increased. Mingled with the weakening of police administration under magistrate level. this changed strategy aggravated the Henan public order. Especially, as soon as Zhao Ti(趙倜), Henan Dujun(督軍), went to ruin in 1922, the men under his command combined with banditry. Therefore. "there was no distinction with warlord and banditry.“(兵匪不分) Lao Yangren group was fairly typical of this soldier-bandits case,(兵匪) Though they are merciless, cruel. and simple-minded, ultimately, by devastating the territory of Wu Pei-fu(吳佩孚), weakened his sovereign power, by taking many foreigners, especially Western captive(洋票), they disclosed warlord's subordination to the World Powers. To some extent they unconsciously contributed to anti-Imperialism, anti-Warlordism National Revolution in collusion with anti-Zhili clique.(反直隷派) Besides, Lao Yangren acquired the titles. Xunyue Dashi(巡閱大使) and Jianyue Dashi(檢閱大使). This showed his power was comparable to that of Wu Peifu and Fung Yuxiang.(馮玉祥) In the end, they could establish the brief "central bandit government"(中央匪政府) as another power in North China. But I could not discover in their plundering behavior a new political character that was superior to the existing warlords. Rather I could find out their historical meaning from the fact that after Lao Yangren died, hundreds of bandits admired him so much that they appeared as incarnation of Lao Yanren and in Henan banditry increased ten times. After all, with Lao Yangren as a momentum. Henan was transformed into "Bandit-world."

논문(論文) : 무훈(武訓), 『무훈전(武訓傳)』 비판(批判)과 평반(平反)

손승회 ( Seung Hoi Son ) 대구사학회 2011 대구사학 Vol.104 No.-

I examined the concrete process of the reappraisal of Wuxun and "the life of Wuxun" instead of focusing on the general understanding of the reappraisal after Post-Mao period. Wuxun`s specific experience might have explained my start point. Wuxun(1838-1896) was a self-made man who built the charity schools by the begging in the late Qing period. After the establishment of "the New China"(新中國), the movie which covered his whole life was produced immediately. At first, the movie enjoyed the very high popularity both from the mass and the leader of the Chinese Communist Party. But because of the opposition of Mao`s, the sudden criticism movement against that movie was started. However the evaluation was dramatically again reversed in the reformation and evolution period. I tried to investigate the political, academical and ideological process surrounding the criticism and re-criticism against Wuxun and "the life of Wuxun." So I confirmed not only the phenomena of the subordination of the academical research and the cultural art to the politics but also the harmful effect that was brought out by this "politicalization." Wuxun and the producers of "the life of Wuxun" were the political victims by the Party that tried to establish the foundation of the new nation through the ideological struggle. It was natural in this context that "the investigation of the history of Wuxun"(『武訓歷史調査記』) be unrealistic and arbitrary. So, the reappraisal of Wuxun or "the life of Wuxun" could not but begin from "the investigation of the history of Wuxun." The content of that book was completely denied by the members who directly participated in the very investigation. The former insistence that Wuxun should be "the big gangster" "the big leech" "the big landowner" was not persuasive any more. This only meant the reappraisal of Wuxun. Also the reappraisal of "the life of Wuxun" was basically done by the self criticism and the self denial of the producers. Meanwhile, the reappraisal of Tao Xingzhi(陶行知) was closely related with that of Wuxun. Because he was the enthusiastic praiser of Wuxun, he was also criticised. But he was also transformed from "the revisionist" "the pragmatist" to "the great progressive educator" "the great democratic warrior" "the great patriot" in the process of the reappraisal of Wuxun. The reappraisal deserved to gain the positive evaluation in that this trial would correct the former fault and the distortion. But the influence of the Hu Qiaomu(胡喬木) on the that reappraisal paradoxically verified that the appraisal of the past was not still free from the political judgement and behavior.

문화대혁명(文化大革命)과 ‘혈통론(血統論)’

손승회 ( Son Seung Hoi ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.115 No.-

In this paper, I examined the emergence of “bloodline theory”, the debates between “bloodline theory” and “identification theory”, the debate between “the clique of 4 ㆍ 3” and “the clique of 4 ㆍ 4”, and finally the problem of “the children who can be well educated.” Through this, it was revealed that “bloodline theory” was continuously functioning throughout the entire Cultural Revolution period. Despite the formal denial of the clique of the Cultural Revolution, the “bloodline theory” could be maintained. It was because “bloodline theory” was one of the fundamental reasoning structures for maintaining the People’s Republic of China.” In particular, in the period of the Cultural Revolution, which was characterized by the distinction and confrontation between enemy and friend of the class, the bloodline could be the most definite political asset and burden. This, on the other hand, is an example of the irony that the Cultural Revolution possesses, that is to say, the its conservative character. Meanwhile, the victim of the Cultural Revolution, who emerged in the process of “bloodline controversy” and “the downward movement” of “the children who can be well educated” soon emerged as a major force leading the radical stream of the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution was a new possibility for those victims who experienced the rebel in the irrational and violent discrimination of bloodline. In this context, some of them were able to move to the path of the idealistic clique of the ultra-leftist who opposed to the real and central Cultural Revolution.

만주사변 전야 만주한인의 국적문제와 중국,일본의 대응

손승회 ( Seung Hoi Son ) 중국사학회 2004 中國史硏究 Vol.31 No.-

萬寶山事件과 中國共産黨

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 동양사학회 2003 東洋史學硏究 Vol.83 No.-

1920년대 河南 治安行政의 紊亂과 ‘土匪世界’의 형성

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 동양사학회 2002 東洋史學硏究 Vol.77 No.-

樊鍾秀와 建國豫軍 : 國民革命期 土匪의 一形態

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 역사교육연구회 2002 역사교육 Vol.83 No.-

It seems that we cannot find any coherence in the succession of the careers of Fan Zhongxiu(樊鍾秀) from bandit, counter-revolutionary warlord to Jianguo Yujun(建國豫軍), revolutionary troops. But in his multiple variableness, he sought to establish his independent regime in western Henan.(河南) Most his men were from that region, most his military successions were indebted to the resources of that region. Therefore, Jianguo Yujun that plundered other places was careful in that region and sought to assure its legitimacy of dominance. In this connotation, "Henanese should govern Henan"("Yuren ZhiYu"[豫人治豫]) was good slogan that could easily arouse local support. Though Fan Zhongxiu took participation in National Revolution(國民革命) according to Northern Expedition(北伐) advance, there was no evidence that he and his men including bandits, Red Spears(紅槍會) fully agreed to political ideology of Goumindang(國民黨) and Chinese Communist Party(共産黨). On the contrary, he and his men who was attacked by great warlord, Wu Peifu(吳佩孚), and could not live peacefully in self government of Henan, had to join with revolutionary forces. Therefore it is interpreted that the join of the two was tentative, and its aim was on Fan"s desire for power. I will define the word "Red Spears-bandits World"(會ㆍ匪世界) as 1920s autonomous private order in Henan that replaced the disintegrated public order. In that world there was no manifest line between revolution and count-revolution, bandits and punitive forces, troops and bandits, bandits and Red Spears, Red Spears and troops. In that world there were contradiction, alliance and variableness among each political forces, based on local interest. In the end, I revealed the feature of that world through Fan Zhongxiu and his Jainguo Yujun.

淸末 吳祿貞의 영토 인식

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 부산경남사학회 2007 역사와 경계 Vol.65 No.-

In this article, I would like to investigate “Gando problem”(“間島問題”) from a new point of view. That point of view is different from those of the earlier researches. The latter has focused on the possession of Gando from the view of nationalism. But a historical reconciliation among Korea, China and Japan is impossible through the exclusive nationalism that overestimates “aggression vs. resistance.” So, I am concretely concerned with the anguish of the Anti-Qing dynasty revolutionaries. Though they were fundamentally revolutionaries, they should cooperate with the Qing dynasty in order to rescue China from the crisis of the encroachment upon the territory. On an instance, I studied the activities of Wuluzhen(吳祿貞) and his book, “the report on Yanji frontier task”(『延吉邊務報告』) comparing with that of Songjiaoren(宋敎仁) and his book, “Gando problem”(『間島問題』). By dong this, I made a clear which position Chinese had and by which basis they argued their claim to Gando. And I could understand Wuluzhen's diplomatic, military and administrative role in “settling” “Gando problem.” Especially he criticized Japanese argument by drawing up diplomatic document. But being surrendered to Japan by the Qing dynasty finally intensified anti-Qing nationalism.

청말민국초 하남 변경 의 성립과 그 특징 - 토비세계 의 형성 배경과 관련하여 -

손승회(Seung Hoi Son) 중국사학회 2002 中國史硏究 Vol.17 No.-

N/A

지역너머의 萬寶山事件(1931년)

孫承會(Son, Seung-Hoi) 영남대학교 인문과학연구소 2007 人文硏究 Vol.- No.53

만보산사건에 대한 외교적 대응과 관련된 기존 연구는 주로 일본의 침략과 중국인과 在滿韓人의 연대에 의한 대항이라는 민족주의적 시각에 입각해 진행되어 왔다. 하지만 이를 통해서는 일본과 중국 외교당국자 사이에 전개됐던 실제적이고 실무적인 외교행위를 제대로 이해하기 힘들어 보인다. 따라서 양측의 외교적 대응을 음모론을 배제한 상태에서 최대한 실증적으로 검토해 볼 경우 새로운 몇 가지의 사실을 도출할 수 있다. 먼저 중ㆍ일 양측 모두는 문제의 평화적 해결 의지를 갖고 있었으며, 사건 처리를 둘러싸고 가동되었던 양측의 외교라인을 구체적으로 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 이들 실무진들에게 협상의 자율권이 없었던 것은 아니지만, 상급기관의 통제와 협상에 임하는 양측의 기본 입장 차이는 외교적 타협을 어렵게 만들었다. 즉, 지방적 차원에서 임시적으로 문제를 해결하려는 일본과 중앙 차원의 근본적 해결을 도모하는 중국은 서로 쉽게 화합할 수 없었고, 사건은 무력해결의 방식으로 해결될 수밖에 없었다. The studies of the diplomatic response to Wanbaoshan Incident(萬寶山事件) has been made on basis of the nationalism. On that view of the point, scholars emphasize Koreans-Chinese resistance to Japanese" invasion. But it is not easy to understand the actual and practical diplomacy by this method Therefore if we make positive researches on Chinese-Japanese diplomacy except the "conspiracy", we can come to the several conclusions as follow: the first, Chinese and Japanese diplomatic authorities both possessed the will of the peaceful negotiation and solution. The second, we can catch hold of the concrete diplomatic lines. Though these working-level agencies had an autonomy in the negotiations, the upper-level inconsistency within Japanese-Chinese authorities made the diplomatic compromise uneasy. It was impossible for Japan that tried to bring the problem to settlement through the temporary and local level to coincide with Chinese that made an effort to fix up the problem through the liberal and central level. After all, both China and Japan could not but resort to arms to solve the problem.