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한국어의 심층대용어와 표층대용어에 대하여 -표면적 CP 삭제현상을 중심으로
손근원 ( Keun Won Sohn ) 한국현대언어학회 2014 언어연구 Vol.29 No.4
This paper takes up the issue of whether CP deletion exists in Korean and resolves the issue using the typology of anaphoric expressions which can replace or derive from complement CP of mit- type verbs. It is shown that among the three anaphoric expressions (ku kes, [e], kulehkey) concerned, ku kes and [e] are deep anaphors while kulehkey shows complicated behavior with regard to the given diagnostics. That [e] is a deep anaphor strongly suggests that it is not derived by deletion because it is widely accepted that those created through deletion are surface anaphors. Hence the discussion in this paper provides a strong support for Ahn and Cho (2009) such that the empty CP position of mit- is occupied by a null pronoun pro.(Hannam University)
Deriving Tags in Split Questions: Deletion and pro
손근원 ( Keun Won Sohn ) 한국현대언어학회 2011 언어연구 Vol.26 No.4
This paper aims at defending. a PF deletion account for split question (SQ) constructions. SQ constructions are composed of a wh-part and a tag, which are taken to be two separate question clauses. Arregi (2010) analyzes Spanish, Basque, and English SQ constructions and proposes a PF deletion account for these constructions. Ha (2010), on the other hand, proposes a cyclic copying account for Korean SQ constructions, based on the discussion of predicate containing tags. After examining Korean SQ constructions, with special emphasis on the predicate containing tags, this paper first shows that there are serious problems for the cyclic copying account for the predicate containing cases. As a next step, it is shown that the predicate containing tags are not genuine SQ constructions and hence cannot be used as evidence against the PF deletion account of the SQ constructions. This paper provides a pro-based alternative account for the predicate containing cases and consequently, shows that the PF deletion account for the SQ constructions can be maintained.
On the Nature of the Quotative Operator Movement and the CSC Obviation Effects
손근원(Keun-Won Sohn) 한국생성문법학회 2010 생성문법연구 Vol.20 No.1
The quote initial reported direct speech optionally involves subject-main verb inversion, and the inverted cases are called the quotative inversion construction. This study examines the structure of this quotative inversion and non-inversion constructions and diagnoses one previously unnoticed problem in them. More specifically, it will be shown that the quotative operator, widely believed to be involved in the derivation of the quotative constructions, is immune to the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This obviation effect is attributed to the A-movement nature of the quotative operator movement, based on the idea that A-movement is immune to the Coordinate Structure Constraint.
What can slang NPIs tell us about the nature and typology of NPIs
Keun-Won Sohn(손근원) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.3
This paper focuses on a new type of negative polarity items (NPIs) in Korean and discusses its implications on grammar. This new type of NPIs, which I will call slang NPIs, are different from the well-known NPIs in Korean such as amuto or nwukwuto in that they can be licensed in more diverse environments and don"t have to obey the strong locality constraint. I claim that this non-local nature of slang NPIs follows if we assume that operator movement rather than movement of a slang NPI itself is involved in its licensing. It will be suggested that this analysis of slang NPls provides a way to distinguish NPI types such that local NPIs involve movement of NPI itself while non-local NPIs involve movement of an operator.
손근원 대한언어학회 2000 언어학 Vol.8 No.3
Sohn, Keun-Won. 2000. Postposition Deletion in Cleft Constructions and the Recoverability Condition. Journal of the Linguistic Association of Korea, 8(3), 139-153. This paper deals with the Korean cleft construction (kes-clefts) and discusses the optionality/obligatoriness of postpositions in the clefted phrases. It is first shown that Korean kes-clefts are different from English cleft and pseudocleft constructions, despite the fact that there are some similarities. This paper goes on to show that the postposition attached to a phrase in the focus position can be deleted up to recoverability. Therefore this paper provides a further support for the thesis that all deletion respects Recoverability Condition. (Hannam University)
손근원 대한언어학회 1999 언어학 Vol.7 No.1
Sohn, Keun-Won. 1999. A compositional Approach to Antecedent Contained Deletion. Linguistics, 7-1, 51-70. This paper discusses a special type of antecedent contained deletion (ACD) construction containing negative polarity items. This construction poses a nontrivial problem for any type of analyses proposed so far since there are two separate requirements that seem to be hard to reconcile: the requirement for resolving the infinite regress problem and the requirement for NPI licensing. After critically reviewing the existing analyses on the construction in concern, I propose that this construction can best be accounted for by Lasnik's (1993, 1995,1999) compositional approach, (Hanyang University)
손근원 한국현대언어학회 2003 언어연구 Vol.19 No.1
This paper deals with the scope phenomena in English within the minimalist framework. The main claim of this paper is that the adjunct quantifiers do not undergo QR while argument quantifiers do. This argument-adjunct distinction in scope is claimed to derive from economy. The adjunct quantifiers are already in the position taking a propositional scope and need not, thus must not undergo QR. The seeming ambiguity shown in the examples having adjunct quantifers is attributed to the availability of two different structures for the given sentence, not to the availability of QR of the adjunct quantifiers. (Hannam University)