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裵京漢(Bae Kyoung-han) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.200
This article traces the way of how the Republicanism became rooted as the Chinese political system, which had introduced to china as a representative form of western democratic political system in late nineteenth century and how its characteristics were formed. Based on these speculations, it is aimed at examining the future of democracy, which is the biggest task for present China. Although it was the reformists insisting on the reform of political system to the constitutional monarchy who had introduced the Republican political system to China first, it was the revolutionists, leading power of the 1911 Revolution, who actively urged to transfer to republican system. Through the 1911 Revolution, the emperor system was ended which had been maintained over 2000 years and the first republican country of Asia was successfully emerged. However the newborn China was republic only in appearance, lacking the people with republican consciousness. The premature aspect was revealed either by the revival movement of emperor system led by Yuan Shi-kai or by the confused fight among warlords after the death of Yuan Shi-kai. The subsequent May Fourth Movement claimed to stand for the new cultural movement, in fact, put its target to create the people with republican consciousness, which was prerequisite for the substantial revolution of republicanism. It is why the May Fourth Movement is evaluated as the second revolution of republicanism. The Nationalist Revolution which was started from the reorganization of the Guomindang in 1924 led to the birth of centralized authoritarian nation state, that is, the Nanjing Nationalist Government, owing to the territorial and political unification, though imperfect. However it is hard to take the Nanjing Nationalist Government as the establishment of genuine nation state in terms of the following aspects: First, the party state system of the Nanjing Nationalist Government, basically founded on the political discipline and the rule by party, assumed the people need to be enlightened and disciplined. Second, it negated the constitutional government which had been regarded as the most essential goal since the formation of the Republic of China. Hence, I consider the party state system was a form in transition period toward the nation state. I would call it "Chinese style nation state", that is, a nation state with unique characteristic because of the historical circumstances of modem China in which the national unification and the independence could not but be emphasized. After the establishment of Nanjing Nationalist Government in 1928, diverse actions for democracy were displayed, for example, several times of anti Chiang Kai-shek or anti-central War by warlords, and the movements for constitutionalism by various powers. These were, in a sense, attempts to go beyond the limitations of "Chinese style nation state". However, the full-scale war between China and Japan, prolonged for 8 years since 1937, made all these attempts for democracy useless, and then the limitations were handed over to the political system of Chinese Communist Party which finally emerged as new central power at the end of the Sino-Japanese War. From this speculation, it is reasonable to describe the relationship between the present political system of Chinese Communist Party and the party state system of Guomindang as half brothers. Considering the diverse phenomena displayed in China since 1980s, for example, rapid economic development and the pervasion of differentiation between state and society, progress to the information-oriented society, and division of power by the districts and minority races, i.e., the increasing demand for local autonomy, it would be inevitable to carry out the fundamental reform of the party state system in near future.
배경한(Bae, Kyoung-Han) 역사학회 2013 역사학보 Vol.0 No.220
The significance of the conference of Lyuh Woonhyung, Kim Kyuheung, A. S. Potapov and Chen Jiongming, which was held during two weeks at the end of April and early May of 1920 in Zhangzhou, Fujian Province of China, is more than a historical background of the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, unlike what Chinese and Japanese scholars have suggested. Also, the conference has more significance than being a scene of Korean Independence Movement, unlike what Korean scholars have emphasized. This is clear, considering two subjects and conclusions of the Zhanzhou conference; the one was a supporting plan by Russia for the revolution in South China through establishing military academy in Guangdong and providing weapons; and the other was China and Russia’s financial and military supports for the Korean Independence Movement by training Korean army in Siberia region. In these regards, the Zhangzhou conference should be seen as a alliance movement among socialists of Korea, China and Russia, which aimed to achieve a joint confrontation against Japanese imperialism and fostering communist revolution in the East, considering the advancement of the Soviet revolution and the full-blown Chinese revolution after the May Fourth Movement.