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박종언 한국전자파학회 2022 한국전자파학회논문지 Vol.33 No.12
2014년 세월호 침몰 사건 이후 소형 어선들의 침몰 등 선박사고는 끊이지 않고 있으며, 이로 인해 인명 피해 역시꾸준히 이어지고 있다. 사고 이후 뒤따르는 해양 수색구조 과정에서 정보전달체계를 개선할 수 있다면 촌각을 다투는해양사고 상황에서 인명 피해를 줄일 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 해양 수색구조 정보전달체계를 개선할 수 있는 첫 번째방안은 드론을 활용하는 것이다. 드론을 활용하면, 수색 영상을 실시간으로 공유할 수 있어 지휘 및 구조작업의 효율성을 높일 수 있다. 두 번째는 VHF 무선설비를 추가로 구축하는 것이다. 지방해양경찰청 종합상황실 등에도 VHF 무선설비를 갖춘다면, 필요에 따라 조난선박과 직접 교신할 수 있을 것이다. 마지막으로, 연안 여객선의 관제를 확대하는 것이다. 여객선의 경우 VTS(vessel traffic services) 관제 구역 내에서만 관제대상이 되지만 전 항해 과정에 관제를 할 경우, 안전이 확보될 수 있다. 이와 같은 정보전달체계를 개선한다면, 대형 인명 피해를 예방할 수 있을 것이다.
Jussive Particles and Obligatory Control in Korean
박종언 한국생성문법학회 2009 생성문법연구 Vol.19 No.3
A small number of studies on control have recently observed that in the embedded contexts, three sentence-final particles in Korean, such as the imperative -la, the promissive -ma and the exhorative -ca, contribute to the determination of the type of control: that is, -la yields object control, -ma subject control, and -ca split antecedent control. The major goal of this paper is to claim that building on the insight of Gamerschlag (2007) and Madigan (2008) (and Fujii (2006) for Japanese), the obligatory referential dependency between null subjects of embedded clauses headed by these three particles and (a) matrix argument(s) is an instance of OC (Obligatory Control), but unlike the aforementioned works, the null subjects of the three types of clauses, which Pak (2004, 2006) labels the jussive clauses, are pro. Under these claims, by adopting Pak et al. (2008a, b), this paper argues that the person feature of pro is valued by Agree with the head of the Jussive Phrase appearing in between CP and TP. Furthermore, it is suggested that the referent of the same null subject is naturally determined by the canonical function of each clause type (cf. Portner (2004, 2007)). Finally, to explain the cases where controllers are not actual speakers or addressees, this paper proposes that null pronouns and jussive particles may have shiftable person features when matrix verbs have [+performative, +communication] features.
On the Structure of Short Form Negation in Korean
박종언 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2007 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.8 No.-
The main goal of this paper is to explain ambiguous properties the Korean short form negation (S-Neg) an in its categorial status. On the one hand, S-Neg behaves as a prefix attached to a verbal complex, in that nothing can intervene in between S-Neg and a verb, and S-Neg must be repeated along with a verb when verb reduplication applies. S-Neg, on the other, patterns with an independent maximal projection, in that it can be stranded when pseudogapping or `do so` substitution applies. To resolve the observed puzzle, adopting Chomsky`s (1995) bare phrase structure, I suggest that S-Neg in Korean, being non-branched, can be ambiguously analyzed as an X0 category or an XP category. In particular, regarding a structural position of S-Neg, the paper claims that it is base-generated in the specifier position of NegP, which is in between AgroP and VP, and undergoes clitic-like movement to a verbal complex at PF.
Rethinking a Uniform Approach to VP Ellipsis and Sluicing in English
박종언 한국영어학회 2016 영어학 Vol.16 No.4
Jong Un Park. 2016. Rethinking a Uniform Approach to VP Ellipsis and Sluicing in English. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 16-4, 717-744. The major goal of this paper is to rethink the validity of an event semantics approach (Wee (2015)), dubbed an 'uniform' approach here, to similar and/or different properties of VP ellipsis (VPE, henceforth) and sluicing in English in wh-extraction and island (in)sensitivity depending on their environments. Claiming that major 'non-uniform' syntactic approaches to the behaviors of VPE and sluicing (Lasnik (2001), Merchant (2001, 2008b), Fox and Lasnik (2003), a.o.) have a drawback as they appeal to four different conditions, such as island constraints, MaxElide, LF parallelism, and a constraint on island-escaping focus movement, Wee proposes an alternative approach, within the Davidsonian Event Semantics framework (Davidson (1969)), which is grounded on the assumption that sluicing introduces an anaphoric event variable while VPE a novel one. This paper shows that Wee's approach itself has both theoretical and empirical problems, hence the non-uniform syntactic view needs to be maintained. In the meantime, it is discussed how some of the issues, which Wee points out as salient problems for the non-uniform syntactic view, can be resolved.