세계사 교과서의 라틴아메리카 관련 서술에 대한 검토와 대안적 구성의 제안

朴枸炳(Park, Koobyoung) 역사교육연구회 2017 역사교육 Vol.142 No.-

As one might expect, the Third World including Latin America remains much to be desired in terms of research performance and content organization in Korean national curriculum. However, Latin American history could perform as a clearer example of uneven and combined development of the globe since the early modern period compared to any other regions, even though it has largely been out of conventional grid of world history curriculum in Korean high school. This article intends to examine the important missing points and defects in describing Latin America in World History textbooks according to 2011 reformed curriculum and discuss the relevant issues regarding Latin American history. Above all, it is necessary to revise what has been so erratic and fallacious expression, inconsistent use of the words, and inappropriateness of unit arrangement. It is crucial to have more focused description that could disclose distinct features of Latin American history even in limited space by concentrating several themes. For instance, the alternative content organization should include new historical narratives look on how European powers had incorporated Latin America into modern/colonial world system since the early 16th century. It also tries to demonstrate how Latin American independence movements interacted with European liberal counterparts in trans-Atlantic context, and needs to deal with a dramatic change of Latin American cultural strategy from Europeanizing trends such as campaigns of order and progress, and mass immigration in the late 19th century to, as it were, a rediscovery of indigenous tradition and hybridity. Such a transformation was propelled by conscious efforts to overcome the logic structure of coloniality and the vestiges of internal colonialism.

[스페인 · 라틴아메리카] 이베로아메리카사: ‘국내 최초’ 연구의 외연 확대

박구병(Park, Koobyoung) 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.243

This article tries to review research on Spanish and Latin American history published for the past two years in Korean academia, and suggest necessary future tasks that Iberoamericanists in Korea have to take intop roper consideration. Although more than ten years passed since Research Society of Iberoamerican History in Korea, its members remain practically unchanged. As one might expect, since its inception the research area in Korean academia has been heavily conditioned by scarcity in human power. In spite of hard times they have faced, several researchers attempted to extend their research topics into less explored fields such as the interrelation between Catholic and Islamic communities in medieval Spain, construction of ‘la Mezquita’ in Córdoba, characteristics of the Mexican liberalism in the 19th century, several faces of Latin American populism, and expropriation of foreign oil wells and debt repayment in Mexico. The last two years witnessed the entrance of new and younger generation in Latin American history, which was quite inspiring. They tried to not only add human power but also contributed in diversifying research subjects and topics by adopting new and recent approaches such as Salvador Allende’s Medicina Social and new political concepts in the periods of Mexican Independence movement. Moreover, it is recommendable and desirable for Iberoamericanists in Korea to actively participate in the joint research and collaboration projects on relevant topics as well as deepening own interested research themes and translating valuable academic works into Korean.

혁명적 환희의 이면: 멕시코의 유정 수용(收用) 조치와 외채 상환

박구병 ( Koobyoung Park ) 한국서양사연구회 2017 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This article attempts to examine in what context the Lazaro Cardenas administration tried to extend state regulation on the petroleum industry controlled by foreign major companies in Mexico, and to what extent his decision to expropriate the companies’ oil wells could be regarded as a revolutionary policy. It also inspects how the important processes of workers’ organization contributed to enhancing the significant measure by the Cardenas administration. Since the end of the military phase in the Mexican Revolution, the nascent petroleum industry in Mexico had witnessed the growth of its working-class organization culminated in the creation of the national union in 1936. Labor-management dispute provided the Cardenas administration with an appropriate chance to intervene the oil industry and the Mexican government decided to expropriate the companies’ oil wells on March 18, 1938 after the companies refused to follow the federal board ruling. It was a culminating moment of the revolutionary nationalism in Mexico, but thereafter followed huge burden on the other side. Mexicans could not help but compensate for the loss of the companies, and repay the debt. A progressive Mexicanization of the oil industry had to pay for the euphoria of revolutionary nationalism and patriotic pride. The state of international affairs at the brink of war as well as Good Neighbor policy by the then U.S. government contributed to fulfilling the decision of the Mexican counterpart. The U.S. had fear of Axis expansion in Mexico and other Latin American countries and Josephus Daniels, the then U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, played a significant role in dealing with the tricky situation for the Mexicans. In effect, the expropriation did not entail display of outright hostility and violent reaction, and rather unprecedented display of broad patriotic passion and cohesion. However, the expropriation as an exceptional measure brought about the economic costs of debt repayment Mexicans had to be liable for. Although Cardenas’ announcement was considered tantamount to a declaration of economic independence and he was elevated to the status of an inspiring and even mythic hero, the expropriation of oil industry was not extended into other sectors in the country. The expropriation in March 1938 thus offered a perfect example of the new politica de masas that was the main legacy of the Revolution of 1910. The expropriation was also significant in making the shift of policies to a more moderate direction. It forced Cardenas to promise the companies a fair indemnity and guarantee that he would leave further expropriations out of consideration. (Dept. of History, Ajou University / kbpark@ajou.ac.kr)

라틴아메리카의 "뜨거운 냉전"-게릴라전, 내부냉전, 국가폭력의 교착

박구병 ( Koobyoung Park ) 서울대학교 국제문제연구소 2015 세계정치 Vol.22 No.-

라틴아메리카의 냉전시대는 미국과 소련 양국 간의 차가운 이념 대립이나 군사적 형상유지와 거리가 머 장기내전과 격렬한 내부냉전의 시기였다. 냉전시대의 동서 이념 대립과 반목 외세의 개입은 라틴아메리카가 겪은 기존의 정치적·사회적 긴장을 근단적 상황으로 치닫게 하는 촉매제로 자용했다. 20세기 초이래 라틴아메리카에서 제국주의적 팽창과 신식민지적 대응, 불안정한 지역정치는 냉전시대의 이념대립을 계기로 더 치열하고 복잡한 양상으로 증폭되었다. 미국과 유럽의 냉전, 긴장완화, ``신냉전``, 탈냉전 국면을 관통해 라틴아메리카의 여러 지역에서는 군부쿠데타, 게릴라 세력의 무장투쟁, 군부의 게릴라 진압작전이 끊이지 않았다. 그동안 쿠바혁명 체제의 존재는 실제보다 부풀려져 냉전의 발화점으로 여겨졌고 미국과 쿠바의 관계는 최근까지 냉전 대립에서 벗어나지 못했다. 1950년대 중반 이래·미국의 개입전략은 라틴아메리카 내부의 좌우 분열이 장기내전으로 확대되고 라틴아메리카 여러 국가의 반공주의 군부정권이 이념적 억압을 강화하면서 반인류적 국가폭력을 자행하는 데 막대한 영향을 미쳤다. 이런 국가폭력사례가 빚은 내부냉전의 상흔은 미국과 유럽의 냉전 종식 이후에도 지속되었다. While the United States and Soviet Union managed to avoid direct military confrontation under the name of Cold War, Latin America witnessed a series of local armed conflicts that would have prolonged even after the end of Cold War in the West. During the Cold War era, East-West ideological discord and the U.S. intervention as a kind of colonial power escalated these preexisting local tensions into long civil wars in Latin America. Since the early 1960s, Cuba has always been one of the flashpoints in the Cold War and the U.S. sponsored covert operations of subversion and anticommunist crusade of Latin American Military regimes in the 1970s and 1980s. It should be noted that the longevity and inten-sity of Latin America`s Cold War were outgrowths of its complex political violence, for instance, long-running internal clashes, the persistent tension between U.S. expansionism and Latin American nationalist response, and the polarizing ideological conflicts.

라틴아메리카 포퓰리즘의 세 가지 유형과 민주주의의 연관성

박구병(Park, Koobyoung) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.120

This article attempts to examine three types of Latin American populism and their relevance to the issue of democracy. The three types include classical populism exemplified by Juan D. Perón’s regime in Argentina in the 1940s and the 1950s, reclaimed cases of neopopulism in the 1990s, and ‘radical populism’ pursued by leftist governments in the early 21st century. Examining the three types allows us to realize that populism in historical context can be better defined by its political style and strategy than by its ideological orientation and socio-economic program. As the cases of neopopulism, that is, populism in the age of neoliberalism demonstrate, it is considered as a set of strategies for gaining access to power that combines with any sort of political forces, irrespective of their ideological inclination. Furthermore, as recent scholarly works try to emphasize, populism can be regarded as one of the essential components of democracy that has been neglected under the contemporary representative system.

탈식민 운동으로서의 1910년대 멕시코 혁명

박구병(Park, Koobyoung) 역사학회 2020 역사학보 Vol.0 No.245

This article attempts to reexamine the main characteristics of the Mexican Revolution in the 1910s and emphasize its less handled element in the previous findings as a post-colonial movement. Mexico did not achieve nationwide political stability and a strong national identity across the country because of continuing civil wars, regional and ethnic splits, and foreign intervention even after gaining nominal independence in the early 19th century. Many Americans regarded Mexico under the Porfirian regime as nothing but a virtual economic dependency that was not averse to domination of foreign investors over a large amount of territory. However, the Revolution that stamped out the Porfirian modernization project of foreign dependency marked a crucial turning point to transform the country into a more independent and reformist nation-state. In the viewpoint of longue durée , it is particularly plausible to consider the Mexican Revolution as the last great wave of three cumulative popularpatriotic struggles since independence movement in the early 19th century and, furthermore, the country’s second independence. For the Mexican revolutionaries including Lázaro Cárdenas who were critical of conservative swing of the post-revolutionary regime after 1940, the success of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 was accepted as a valuable opportunity that would resuscitate their own revolutionary experiences for independence, a complete break with foreign dependent development, and social reform in a full-blown crisis.