북부 프랑스의 직물공업 도시 루베(1890년대~1914): 직물 생산자들의 공간을 찾아

노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2021 서양사연구 Vol.- No.64

As in the other European countries, the textile industry, including all its wool and cotton production, constituted a foundational industrial field in France in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Roubaix, located in the extreme northern part of France close to Belgium, had a reputation in that field with the metropolitan northern economic center Lille. Roubaix's textile companies, run by innovative, austere and, financially independent family businesses, persisted and expanded through the nineteenth century. Among the many factors of these achievements, a textile labor force furnished by the ever-flowing Belgian immigrants can explain the prosperity. Based on the economic and industrial analysis studied by specialists about Roubaix, we want to know the social aspects of Roubaix from another kind of approach. We presumed social Roubaix was composed of not only patrons and employees, nor capitalists and workers but also definitely circumscribed by the so many buildings of mill and factory, the streets and houses frequently called by a peculiar name “couree.” By the way, the contemporary documents, photographs and, finely designed and fabricated final goods remind us of textile workers’ consistent concentration upon their work under the distressing working conditions. Can we then link this distinctive feature to the space of industrial Roubaix to interpret it as a sign of the textile workers’ latent capacity? If the assumption is not irrational, we could add the northern-style cafe derived from the Belgian estaminet without hesitation. The reason is that a glass of alcohol accompanying the conversations, singing, and reading induced them toward a collective mind and intensified their unique social relationships. To be sure, they had to encounter the danger of tuberculosis coming to their children, wives or, themselves. For family survival, almost all the women invested themselves as a small wage-earner in any part of the woolen or cotton process. Another category for Roubaix that served as both material and spiritual encouragement was the cooperatives expressed as Peace(La Paix), Union, Fraternity, when cooperative establishments were not so popular in France. Especially working people in the northern part are practical and like to go to cooperatives which furnish indispensable articles like bread and coals, medical and child care aids. Church and municipality as well engaged for the betterment of labor peoples. Traditional conservative churches supported bourgeois social leadership, but democratic catholic movements reflected the current social critics against the capitalist environment. The collective workers’ campaign also made the election of the socialist mayor earlier than other French cities. Considering the aspects examined here, we can say at least the textile workers of Roubaix transform the physical space into meaningful “social space.” (Chungnam National University / ecouter@hanmail.net)

대표 개념에 따른 프랑스 사회주의의 갈등 구도 재검토: 제3공화정, 1893~1903

노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.61

Everybody in this area are well aware that French socialism had been divided and in antagonistic conflict in the last decade of the nineteenth century. when the long pursued but defeated revolutionary ideal was contested by the emergence of the socalled reformists. One of their heated confrontations resulted in no agreement for their shared aspiration for unification was the Congress of Paris in December 1899. The debate was centered in particular to the thorny question of whether socialists' participation in the bourgeois government could be allowed or not. The idea of the article was inspired by the discourse of the Congress. It made sense that there might be some other components beyond the already formulated revolution and reformism; a phenomenon which could support and urge further questions was the nearly simultaneous publication of work like Mosei Ostrogorsky, Robert Michels and Andre Siegfried. Those distinguished observations reflected some thing unprecedented rising in the field of politics. Then which concept would give to our subject fair limitations affording realistic research questions? The concept of representation with many arguments and critical elaboration seems to us as suitable as attractive. There was somewhat paradoxical reasoning to be inclined to “representation”. It was not an idea positively recognized for French workers who had lived under historical oppression. However, socialists had enough reason to demonstrate the capacities for socialist representation. Because political force could not grow up in a day, they could not but struggle with the workers' ethics and tactics for the representation. Municipal socialism was offered as the fine place for that political space. It is true that the Nord department conducted more important roles with the disciplined working class by dint of Guesdists Mayors and municipal councils. But as the Saint-Mandet banquet in 1896 manifested, many cities and communes of France accepted socialist municipality in the narrow competitions with other republican forces. Neither did Paris municipality did not refrain the entrance of worker socialists after the latter part of 1880. At last how they esteemed and conducted parliamentary political activity in the Chamber of Deputies, especially during the ten years before the unification of socialism became important. Dissentions among the revolutionaries and reformists was not all dissipated as for the participation in the bourgeois government, but any side took care of reform acts for the betterment of workers' conditions. Even so, the ideological and practical differences between the two confronting parties under the consolidated capitalist regime was the concern of our investigations. It is evident that one consistently declared their opposition to bourgeois society, while the other accepted parliamentary virtue as an essential value, liberty. But as a conclusion we might say that French socialists on either side assumed their historical task. Representation means in that case coming and going incessantly between political tactics, metaphysical effort and the everyday life of deprived proletariat.

추방당한 코뮈나르 브누아 말롱의 ‘노동자’ (1871-1885)

노서경(SeoKyung ROE) 한국프랑스사학회 2021 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.45

무참한 유혈진압에도 불구하고 1871년 코뮌은 프랑스 사회주의와 노동운동에 뚜렷한 흔적을 남겼으며 그것은 흔히 일컬어지는 분열이기보다 분열을 일으킨 새로운 모색들 자체였다. 이 글은 그 가운데 코뮌 망명자 브누아 말롱의 선택은 어떠한 것이었고 왜 그랬는가를 문제시하면서 말롱 자신이 일선 노동자였다는 사실에 주목하여 코뮌 후 10여년 간 그가 밟은 지적 경로를 재구성하려 한다. The bloody suppression of Communards executed by the Versailles government at the end of the Commune of 1871 seems productive in the final analysis. The French socialist leaders survived and took refuge sought the unprecedented path to follow. In that sense, the Communard Benoît Malon, in Switzerland for ten years, requires a careful explanation. Contrary to the other socialists" political activity, Malon"s contribution was founding a Review after returning to France. However, Malon, born into a poor peasant family, was a proletariat deprived of any intellectual benefit. This article attempts to trace Malon"s itinerary with the question why and how he finally decided to build a bridge between labor and intellectual activity. Our work first illuminates the International Workingmen"s Association, and after explains his appreciation of the German labor movement leader Ferdinand Lassalle. Finally it investigates Malon"s concept and plans for a new workers" party not realized. La Revue Socialiste, launched in 1885 as his conclusion, remains a study to do.

빈곤한 여성들의 코뮌(1871): 루이즈 미셀과 앙드레 레오의 대변

노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.59

The question which motivated to compose the article is that most of the communardes was certainly working women in the state of ‘la Misere,’ in other words deprived of time and money indispensable for the idea of social transformation. Then how and why they were engaged actively in the whole process of the defeated but historical Commune of Paris (1871), in particular as the status of women? To find out some feasible answers to that question, we called on Louise Michel and Andre Leo at the same time on the assumption that both had enough reason to be represented not by any election system but through reciprocal and tacit consent among the delegated people. Without any official title in the Commune Government nor in the minority leadership for the women except a little activity of International or Montmartre Vigilance Committee, Louise Michel had been incarnated as the armed women citizen and Andre Leo as ‘soldier of idea’ by her journalism. These representative words and deeds are in a sense contradictory but both aimed for the realization of social revolution without doubt. But the social revolution for the women does not mean taking power from the bourgeois class. Rather it stands first of all in the extension of the fighting for the country known to them during the precedent Paris Occupation by the German army. The Commune women wanted to exert the full citizenship by the military participation like meal preparation and ambulance amidst the fighting National Guard against Versailles regular army. They naturally claimed for legalized reform measures like equal pay for equal work, and also for liberated from the complicated system of marriage to enjoy the independent way of life as producer and gender. More vast problem was the oppressive authority the Church largely imposed to them The women’s constant claim for better education was owing to such institutions. The Commune Government had not enough time and capability for the women question but tried to apply new principles in that field. What is remarkable for the two female communardes, was their keeping of ethic shared with their audience: they are conscious that for the durable revolutionized society could be founded upon democratic building of men and women’s relationship. If we could denominate it Commune feminism it was characterized by the intimate face to face contacts, not by distant regarding between elite and mass. Finally the feminism of Louise Michel and Andre Leo showed, even for the moment, the possibility of discovering hidden but neglected will of change in the working women of Commune For them the idea of change was cherished not only for the society itself but for each of themselves. Supported by the probable evidences we could tell the feminism of Commune was a courageous, firm adventure of laboring women who refused vanquished under the pressure of material destitution. (Humanities Research Institute of Chungnam National University / ecouter@hanmail.net)

조레스의 반전(反戰)과 프롤레타리아

노서경(SeoKyung Roe) 경상대학교 사회과학연구원(마르크스주의 연구) 2014 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.11 No.3