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고성연(Ko Seongyeon) 한글학회 2020 한글 Vol.- No.329
이 글은 한국어 모음추이 가설의 지난 50년사를 충실히 돌아보기 위해 쓰인 글이다. 이를 위해 그간 국내외 학계에서 제기된 비판적 논점들을 자세히 살핌으로써 모음추이 가설이 지닌 이론적, 경험적 한계를 종합적으로 제시하고자 하였다. 특히 한국어 모음추이설의 거의 유일한 문헌학적 증거인 몽골어 차용어 자료를 재검토하고 그 이면에 전제된 중세 몽골어에 대한 구개적 조화 이론에 대한 대안으로서, 중세 몽골어 모음체계를 혀뿌리 조화 체계로 보아야 한다는 수정주의적 해석(Ko 2013, 2018)을 소개하였다. 이러한 논의는 몽골어 모음추이설의 기각, 그리고 그에 따른 한국어 모음추이설의 기각으로 귀결된다. 마지막으로 수정주의적 해석에 대한 바레레·얀후넨(Barrere & Janhunen 2019)의 반박을 비판적으로 검토하여 이들이 제시한 전통적 해석의 여섯 가지 논거가 몽골어 모음추이설을 끝내 구해내지 못한다는 점을 보였다. This article presents a comprehensive review of the history, issues, and current status of the Korean vowel shift hypothesis(KVS) (Lee 1972). A thorough reevaluation of the plausibility and adequacy of the KVS, combined with various counterexamples and contradictory evidence put forward in the literature, shows that the KVS is simply untenable. One major argument against the hypothesis comes from Ko’s (2013 & 2018) rejection of the Mongolic vowel shift hypothesis (MVS) (Svantesson et al. 2005). Ko’s revisionist view that Middle Mongolian had a tongue root harmony system poses a critical challenge to the proponents of the KVS who took it for granted that Middle Mongolian had a palatal harmony system when comparing the vowel qualities of Middle Korean and Middle Mongolian. This article also critically reviews the most recent arguments presented in favor of the conventional view by Barrere and Janhunen (2019).
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고성연(Seongyeon Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2020 언어학 Vol.0 No.87
Building upon Ko’s (2010) earlier account for the contrast shifts from Middle Korean to Early Modern Korean, this paper presents a formal account of the diachrony and synchrony of the vocalisms in Contemporary Korean. There are two main directions in the changes from Early Modern Korean to contemporary varieties (Kwak 2003): On the one hand, North Korean dialects inherited the contrastive hierarchy [coronal] > [low] > [high] > [labial] of the previous stage and are further losing the contrastive status of [labial]. Northwest Korean has completed this loss, while Northeast Korean seems to be still underway. On the other hand, Southeast Korean underwent a promotion of [labial], resulting in the new ordering [coronal] > [low] > [labial] > [high]. The consequence of this contrast shift is the merger of all high-mid vowel pairs. Central, Southwest, and Jeju Korean show deviations from these two major directions, each of which receives its own contrastive hierarchy treatment in detail.
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고성연(Seongyeon Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2010 언어학 Vol.0 No.56
The notion of contrast, which can be defined as the opposition between distinctive sounds, has been a central concept in Korean historical phonology. However, no consensus has yet been reached as to how to compute contrast in phonology, which in tum has made it difficult to reconstruct the phonological vowel system of Middle Korean in a widely acceptable manner. With this background, this paper aims two purposes. First, it aims to introduce the theory of contrastive hierarchy (Dresher 2009) which holds that only contrastive, not redundant, features arc computed in the phonological component and the contrastive specifications are determined by language-specific feature hierarchies. Second, adopting this particular theory of contrast, it attempts to provide new accounts of the Middle Korean vowel system and its development into the Modem Korean vowel system. In particular, the Middle Korean vowel system is analyzed as an [RTR]-based two-height vowel system with the feature hierarchy [coronal] > [low] > [labial] > [RTR] whereas the Modem Korean vowel system as a [labial]-based three-height vowel system with a new feature hierarchy [coronal) > [low] > [high] > [labial]. This contrastivist account sheds illuminating light on various issues in Korean vowel phonology from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives.
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