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      • 中共의 大衆操作에 관한 硏究 : 毛澤東의 커뮤니케이션 戰略을 中心으로

        高性俊 제주대학 1978 논문집 Vol.10 No.1

        Contemporary communism, as a perverted form of modern totalitarianism, finds its ultimate rationale for its existence in the support of the people and loyalty of the masses to the communist regime. The process of implantation of communism to underdeveloped areas of the world and generally considered as two types, namely, one is through the necessity and pressure of endogenous factors and the other exogenous factors. The typical example of the former can be found in the case of Chinese and Yugoslavia's Communism and the latter in the case of North Korea. Despite the obvious differences between two types of communism, they share one common element in that they both need societal mobilization and to make this possible they consider it an urgent task to manipulate political symbols. They need to change society because communism in underdeveloped areas does not exist and prosper in the Utopia as Marx Prophesied, but in the economically unpropitious conditions from which they must transform society into Utopia. Societal mobilization is needed just in the necessity as a means to accomplish this Utopia. The necessity of mobilization, however, assumes its significance more in the society where communism came from without rather than in the society where Communism came from within because resistance of the people is stranger in the former than in the latter form of society. To the Chinese Marxists, the creation of the "New Communist Man" is a prerequisite of the building of the "New Socialist State." They believed that to achieve this goal they had to reform the "thought" of people by Mao Tes-Tung thought. So they depended on shrewd manipulation of coercive and persuasive communication for political indoctrination. This thesis attempts to trace and analyze the communication process--a description of alternative patterns of media use, and media organizations as reflections of funda mental political strategy- in Communist China. By considering Mao's badic conception of human nature and his attempts at mass persuasion, this paper represents an attempts to understand his extraordinary system of mass persuasion. This paper consists of three sections: (1) A brief discussion of the theoretical and ideological foundation for the mass manipulation (political indoctrination) in communist China: (2) an analytical description of Mao's communication Strategy in mass manipulation: (3) an descriptive analysis of the structure and functious of Mao's Communication System.

      • 南北韓 關係에서 본 從屬理論 : A·G·Frank의 理論과 관련하여

        高性俊 제주대학교 1982 논문집 Vol.14 No.1

        A review was conducted explicating assumptions on which the so-called, dependency theory was built. And they were contrasted against those of David Apter's Structural theory of politics. From this effort it became apparent that the key difference rots in whether one believes the existence of "progressive force" in a history of Third World or not. The theorists of dependence contend that nationalism achieved through self-reliant force shall overcome all the difficulties presented by foreign elements is escaping from underdevelopment, whereas David Apter' points out that the belief in such a thing is the consequence of lack of analytical power on the part of scholars. While dependence theorists have taken national pride and self-esteem as a top priority in formulating their arguments, Apter' seemed to have considered U.S. national Interest in confronting power competition with U.S.S.R, in the Third World arena as a top priority. Korean Situation call for adopting both assumptions at the same time. The country's security depends on the U.S. and therefore her inevitable consensus with U.S, policies in the Third World let her develop all policies internal or foreign on the basis of stability and order. Interpretation of these varies among different views, but also she faces with the reality of change. Dependence theory has been from Latin America. Its theory is related to socio-cultural background of Latin America. So if we adjust mechanically dependence theory to our situation, it would be harmful for the fullfilment of our nation's task and only contribute to the strategy of North Korea.

      • 北韓의 政治社會化(社會敎育)에 關한 硏究 : 「黨 機關紙」分析과 관련하여 Relating to an Analysis of the Rodong Shinmun

        高性俊 제주대학 1980 논문집 Vol.12 No.2

        +Some theorists of political socialization have pointed out basic assumptions : Among them, that citizens in different nations come to feel and behave differently toward their political leaders and structures, and that the various attitudes citizens have toward political life affect the ways in which the state operates. An examination of a communist state underscores the necessity of making an additional assumption whose history goes back to Rousseau that the way in which the polity is conceived by its founders and leaders affects the character of the citizenship role, and therefore the nature, goals, and contents of political socialization. There is a good deal of difference between the amount and type of citizen involvement expected in a consensus democracy, and that required in a totalitarian dictatorship ; there is an attendant difference in how carefully orchestrated are the efforts in these two types of systems to inculcate the norm of correct citizen behavior. Political socialization receives greater attention and concern in communist society than in liberal democratic society. This preoccupation, in which traditionally the party was the sole source and the citizen a passive recipient of political values and the norms, has in some ways been strengthened more and more in the north Korean political system. To the North Korean Marxists, the creation of the "New Communist Man" is a prerequisite of the building of the "New Socialist State" So they have depended on political socialization as legitimacy building and mass mobilization functions. Among agents of political socialization, they have utilized mass media as a strong political tool of building legitimacy and mobilizing the masses in revolution and construction. According to the content analysis of the Rodong Shinmun, the official party paper in North Korea, the articles and editorials idolize Kim Il-Sung and stress economic construction for the most part. This thesis attempts to trace and analyze political socialization in North Korea and describes its two functions. One, legitimacy-building ; the other, societal mobilization. By analyzing the "Rodong Shininun."-editorials, articles, and slogans-this paper represents an attempt to understand the role of mass media in the political socialization of the North Korean political system. This paper consists of three sections , (1) a brief discussion of the theoretical foundation for the political socialization in a communist state, (2) an analytical description of the function of political socialization-legitimacy building and the mass mobilization functions, (3) a descriptive analysis of the "Rodong Shinmun" as a powerful agent of political socialization in the North Korean political system.

      • 在日濟州同胞의 統一案保 意識에 관한 序說的 硏究

        高性俊 제주대학 1979 논문집 Vol.11 No.1

        After the division of the country, not only the geography of Korea but also its people, the peaceful unification of the fatherland has been the supreme task of the Korean people. So they has continuously explored the best ways toward peaceful Unification. But above all, it's the most important that how well all of the Korean people understand and support the unification policy of the Republic of Korea, that is to say, the consciousness of unification and security of the Korean people. So it is very necessary to discuss the consciousness of the unification and security of all the Korean, even the number of Korean resident aboard. In case of Korean resident aboard, we cannot help paying a serious attention to Korean resident in Japan where 75% of Korean residents aboard live and subversive activities by Jo Chong Rhun, a pro-Pyongyang Korean residents' organization in Japan, expanded at first hand. Therefore this paper is designed to examine and analyze the consciousness of the national unification and security of Korean residents in Japan based on public opinion survey by question-aires. Respondents were selected at random among the Jejuans in Japan, all of them live in Tokyo or Osaka. The following questions were asked: (1) their views on the unification of Korean peninsula; (2) cognizance of possibility of a committment to war by North Korea; (3) Knowledge about the communist society of North Korea; (4) their views on the Japan. It is very hopeful that respondents in general had a relatively realistic point of view on the North Korea, but it's worth consideration in their views on the unification of the Korean peninsula resulted from the lack of understanding it. To summarize findings briefly, they are as follows: (1) In their views on the unification of the Korean peninsula that is Korean peoples' heart's desire, most of them pointed out that the impediments on the unification of the Korean peninsula is in North Korea communist group (32.3%) and dynamic relationship of powerful countries (26.9%), that is United States of America, Japan, China, Russia and etc.; (2) 66.9% of them showed their support to the unification policy of Republic of Korea; (3) Respondents tend to overlook the important role of U.S. 1.oops in Korea that restrain a new aggresive action by North Korea; (4) Almost every respondents hope to resume the stalemated inter-Korean dialogue but it is expressed as a serious problem that 34.6% of them thought Republic of Korea should be accept even a part of the North Korean proposal for a resumption of the dialogue; (5) 90.8% of respondents recognize the dangerous possibility of a committment to war by North Korea; (6) Understanding the .eat aspects of North Korean society, 84.1% of them depend upon Japanese Mass Com. as the main source of knowledge; (7) The number of respondents regard the focus of the Japan's policy toward the Korean peninsula is in its economic growth; (8) In the light of national security in Korea, their reliability on Japan seems to be very low; (9) At the mention of these opinion related to a standard of education, the higher they educated the more they are critical and negative in the actual-in the unification policy of Korea, the future prospect about the national unification and their life in Japan; (10) In connection to generation, the old generation has a proper consciousness of national unification & security than new generation does And as generations go by, this consciousness tends to be weakened. Accordingly, it is necessary to reappraise public relation about unification policy of Republic of Korea and to consider an epoch-making counterplan in order to realize our effort toward unification in Korean residents' society in Japan. But above all there's a matter calling for prior settlement, that is, as we had seen from their answer of questionaire, the betterment of legal position of Korean residents' in japan. By doing in that way, they can maintain their dignity as Korean and propel the unification and security policy of Korean, that is supreme task of their fatherland, with patriotism.

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