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      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        中國의 軍現代化政策과 黨·軍關係

        金益度 釜山大學校 師範大學 1996 교사교육연구 Vol.32 No.-

        The Red Army was established to accomphish the revolution in China by the Chinesse Communist Party(CCP). Consequently, the CCP has always done its best to Keep the People's Liberation Army(PLA) under its firm control. So the PLA is the party's army, not the state's army, and the party and the PLA are skillfully combined. After the establishment of the communist regime in China, the CCP leaders were trying to regularize and modernize the army. But such efforts could not succeed because of Mao's opposition. When Teng Shiao-ping reestablished himself as the top power holder after Mao's death, he vigorously launched the military modernization policy to transform the PLA into the modern and regularized army. From that time on, Teng's army-building policy of modernization was steering the PLA in the direction of revolutionary changes. The main task of Teng's military reform and modernization plan was a series of exercise in reduction-in-strength and restructuring of the PLA. He expected to effect the reduction of one million troops in short years. Another Teng's major reform was to reduce the eleven military regions to seven. Teng expected that his plans for reduction in strength brought about results in saving equipment procurement and operating costs, and such savings would indeed contribute to the PLA's research and development as China hoped to narrow the technological gap with superpowers. In short, the most important objective in the streamlining and structural reforms exercise was to transform the PLA into a comparatively smaller, better-educated and more revolutionary modern military force. China's modernization programme, highlighted by reforms and streamling has led to significant improvement in China's military capabilities. In fact, China succeeded in developing its strategic weapons, so she possessed intercontinental ballistic missiles and submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Teng reorganized the field armies into combined arms group armies and increased the fighting capabilities of the navy and the air force. So Teng was able to improve China's conventional and nuclear forces by implementing his military modernization policy. As China modifies its force structure and make progress in defense modernization, strategic changes have been brought about. These strategic changes lead to improved military capabilities which will better prepare China for limited wars. In consequence, China's strategic target is changed from preparing for the gloval war to coping with the limited war and secure the minimum nuclear deterrence capabilities. The progress achieved so far in military modernization has been attributed to Teng. He provided stable leadership in the PLA since the twelfth party congress in 1982. He forced many senior cadress retiring from the Politburo and the Central Committee. As a result, the influence of the old guard and the leftist was diminished. However in order to realize military modernization in China, Teng had to seperate the military force from the politics. Since a successful military modernization programs could not be achieved without reforming the PLA's political role. But he refused any attempt to reform the established party army relations. So the perfect realization of military regularization and modernization in China would be difficult for the time being.

      • KCI등재

        毛澤東의 初期指導權 確立過程 : 遵義會議를 中心으로

        金益度 釜山大學校 師範大學 1992 교사교육연구 Vol.25 No.-

        Mao Tse-tung played the majore role in making the national revolution a gigantic success. He gained world-wide eminence after the establishment of the PRC in 1949 SoMao was one of the historic figures of the twentieen century. But he did not emerged as a great Chinese leader in a day. His authority and leadership were accumulated through prolonged inner party struggle with his opponents. After Mif purged Li Li San at the fourth plenum in January 1931, the returned student faction captured firm control of the party. Mao was to carry on a bitter struggle with these men that lasted four years. The struggle between Mao and the returned students continued to have the same two basic themes : agrarian policy : and military tactics. In the directive of September 1931, they fiercely criticized against Maos policies to capture control of the Soviet areas. The conflict was all the more acute because the central committee decided to move from Shanghai to the Central Soviet areas in Kiangsi. The arrival of Chou En-lai and his comrades in Kiangsi was followed almost immediately by measures to curb Mao's authority in both party and government. The situation was even more unfavourable to Mao Tse-tung within the party hierarchy. The first Party Congress of the Soviet Area in November 1931 contented itself with denouncing his policies in every domain. The following August, at the Ningtu Conference of the party, Mao was not merely criticized but began to lose his authority over the Red Army, which was passed to Chou En-lai. Mao's loss of control over the army was doubly grave because it occured in the midst of the struggles to save the Kiangsi Soviet Area in the face of Chiang Kai-sheK's campaigns of encirclement and annihilation. Beginning in September 1931, Chin Pang-hsien and Chon En-lai began to denounce Mao's military tactics as "guerrillalism", quite out of date. To them, conflict between the communists and the Kuomintang appeared as a war between two states. They therefore insisted on replacing the old slogans by new ones such as "Attack all fronts". Though Mao was progressively deprived of such anthority as he possessed in the Party ant the army, he retained his position as chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic. The so-called "forward and offensive line" gained momentum in early 1933 adopting by the Twelfth Commintern Plenum in September 1932. But this inflexible strategy imposed by the majority of the Centrall Commitee ultimately led to a catastrophic defeat which put an end to the very existence of the Kiangsi Republic. Although the Red Army was successful in breaking through the KMT blockade, the initial phase of the march was disastrous in terms of personnel and equipment losses. During the first week in January 1935, the Politburo held the famed Tsuni conference. At the conference, Mao bitterly attacked the policies adopted then, which from his viewpoint played a major role in the collapse of the Kiangsi Soviet. Under the strident criticism of Peng Teh-hua, Mao Tse-tung, and Liu shao-chi, the conference agenda was broadened into an accusation session which covered the entire range of party polices since the Fourth Plenum of January 1931. Liu shao-chi broadend the criticism by impugning the correctness, not only of the Party's military polices, but also of its political line since the fourth Plenum. In the heated criticism-self criticism, Chin Pang-hsien, Chou En-lai, and Li Teh came under heavy attack from party leaders. After prolonged discussion, Chou En-lai accepted criticism of his mistakes. Mao managed to exploit general dissatisfaction within the party for his own gain. Chang Wen-tien suggested a compromise, which was accepted by the leadership. In the interests of party unity, Chang suggested that the conference, in its final resolution, state agreement with the party's political line since the Fourth Plenum, but register sharp disapprove of the military policies during the fifth encirclement campaign and westward flight. The resolution condemning Chin, Chou, and Li Teh resulted in a majore reorganization of the top party leadership and a setback for the "returned student" group. Chin Pang-hsien, who had been responsible as secretory-general for imposing this line, was forced out of his post, and replaced by another "returned student", Chang Wen-Tien. So it would be an overstatement to say that Mao was able to gain the key leadership position in the CCP at Tsun - i conference. But it was sure that the conference provided Mao the basis for just such a future development.

      • KCI등재

        국내외 LCI DB 현황 및 국제통용성

        김익,Ik Kim 한국건설순환자원학회 2023 한국건설순환자원학회지 Vol.18 No.1

        기업의 ESG 활동의 일환으로 탄소중립과 순환경제의 개념을 활용한 기업의 성과를 고객에게 알리기 위하여 고품질의 전과정평가 결과에 대한 요구가 커지고 있다. 이를 위해서 LCI 데이터베이스에 대한 글로벌 요건에 맞는 고품질의 LCI 데이터베이스를 구축하고 관리하는 것이 국가적으로 중요하게 인식되고 있다. 이를 위해 UNEP는 GLAD 플랫폼을 만들었고, EU는 LCDN 플랫폼을 만들어 국제통용성을 고려한 고품질의 LCI 데이터베이스를 관리하려는 노력을 하고 있다. 국내 LCI 데이터베이스는 정부주도로 1999년부터 지속적으로 개발되어 활용되고 있지만, 국제통용성의 측면에서 볼 때, 기업의 생산현황을 반영한 최신의 일차데이터가 부족하고, LCI 데이터베이스에 포함된 목록항목들이 모든 환경영향을 충분히 평가할 수도 없으며, 데이터 정보제공의 형식인 LCI 데이터베이스 포맷이 글로벌 동향을 충분히 반영하지 못하고 있다. 이에 국제통용성을 고려한 국내 LCI 데이터베이스의 개발을 위해 산업을 대표하는 협회 또는 단체를 통해 매년 최신의 일차데이터를 확보하고, 이를 토대로 모든 환경영향을 평가할 수 있는 수준의 목록항목을 포함한 국내 LCI 데이터베이스를 개발하고, 이를 Eco-SPOLD_02 또는 ILCD 등의 최신 LCI 데이터베이스 포맷으로 관리하여야 한다.

      • KCI등재

        登小平의 指導權 確立 過程

        金益度 釜山大學校 師範大學 1997 교사교육연구 Vol.34 No.-

        Deng Xiaoping's rise to power was one of the most important historical turning points in modern China. China has since made a remarkable development with his initiation of the Four Moderniazations. As a result, China is now widely regarded as a candidate of economic superpowers in the 21th century. His achievement, however, was far from a purely economic one, made possible through his successive political struggle. At first, Deng had to purge the Gang of Four in his effort to put an end to the Maoist system which had been sustained for twenty years. The new regime under Deng managed to reorganize the leadership by eliminating, step by step, the legacy of the Cultural Revolution. At last he was successful in this task enough to pacify the so-called "line struggle" over the strategy of building socialism in China. As of now, it is highly unlikely that a grave ideological split might occur inside the Chinese leadership. Deng's most critical efforts along this road was legitimizing his drive for de-Maoization in ideology and party policies. His initial strategy in this task was to reinterpret the Thought of Mao Zedong. In 1978, an article entitled, "Practice is the sole criterion against which to judge a theory", appeared on an publication of the Central Party School which then was headed by Hu Yaobang, one of the leading supporters of Deng. The article emphasized the necessity to clear the truth and false of the "forbidden areas" set up by the Gang of Four. In this way Deng could undertake a partial denial of Maoism. Deng's approach to shatter ideological fetters had important ramifications for the political leadership as it clashed directly with the stance taken by Hua Guofeng. But it should be pointed out that his denial of Maoism, a brave approach for sure, had its own limit. It was because uncontrolled expansion of the movement could bring about a revolutionary crisis in the existing belief system of China and the very legitimacy of the CCP. Through this fine-tuned political and ideological maneuver, Deng consolidated his political leadership and could embark on a fullfledged pace of modernization by the end of 1978. Thus, the launch of Deng Xiaoping system could be described as a turning point of profound historical significance in China.

      • KCI등재

        中國人民解放軍의 政治委員制度와 黨·軍關係

        金益度 釜山大學校 師範大學 1994 교사교육연구 Vol.29 No.-

        As Mao once said that political power is obtain through the barrel of a gun, the CCP established Red Army to accomplish the communist revolution in China. So the army was from the outset the agent and instrument of the party. The CCP had also done its best to keep the PLA under its firm control. They introduced the political commissar system from Soviet Union to control the military. The political commissar was party's representative within the army and had right to countersign all orders. The primary mission of the PLA's political commissar system is to assume that "the party control the gun". The institute of the political commissar in China was a two-man system of command. Not like Soviet Union, the principles of single command was never introduced in China. It was during the subsequent Yenan Period of the anti-Japanese war that the present form of political commissar system finally crystallized. In 1938, a "second united front" was established between the Kuomintang and the Chinese communist. Since then Mao has concentrated on the refinement of its military political system and doctrine. As a result, a unique political organization within the PLA Armed Forces has evolved, a mutant somewhat different from its Soviet predecessor. In fact, the Peoples Liberation Army under Mao Tse-tung was the first to succeed gaining the support of the populace. Their political commissar system served them well in this respect and it proved to be a major factor in the winning of the mainland. When Peng Teh-huai became the Minister of defense in 1954, he tried to professionalize the PLA and de-emphasize the political factor. He thought the cult of revolutionary war was to be obstacles to progress in bringing the PLA up to date. So he wanted to equate the PLA with the armies on the Soviet model. But his schems was rejected by Mao, and he was purge. Because Peng's plan was directly opposed to Mao's ambitious strategy to rebuild China as a powerful nation independent of the Soviet Union politically and militarily. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the PLA led by Lin Biao was in the van of the campaign and even placed the Communist Party under its control. At the Ninth National Congress of Chinese Communist Party, the military made a striking advance into party organizations, including even the politburo and the central committee to hold many important posts. Though the large-scale military intervention was realized, the militaly did not openly assert dictatorship against the will of Mao or in place of the party. But this irregular party army relation did not last long and inevitably burst into an episode, known as the Lin Biao incident, as the party began its effort to rebuild itself. After Mao's death, Teng Shiao-ping was able to reestablish himself as the top power holder. He made every effort regularize the army. He tried to accomplish army-building policy of revolutionization, intellectualization, and professionalization. The size of the army had been reduced and impressive advances were also made in certain strategic weapon system. But to realize military modernization in China, Teng had to seperate the military force from the politics . Because a successful military modernization programs could not be achieved without reforming the PLA's political role. But Teng refused any attempt to reform the political commissar system and to chang the established party·army relations. So the realization of military modernization in China would be difficult for the time being.

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