古代ㆍ中世初 思想硏究의 動向과 「국사」 敎科書의 敍述

蔡尙植 역사교육연구회 1989 歷史敎育 Vol.45 No.-

『江華京板 『高麗大藏經』의 판각사업 연구』 : 경전의 구성체제와 참여자의 출신성분(최영호, 경인문화사, 2008)

채상식 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2009 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.45

四溟大師의 일본행과 이에 대한 양국의 태도

채상식(Chae Sang-Sik) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2006 한국민족문화 Vol.27 No.-

Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師 惟政 : 1544~1610) was a commander of worrior-monk army that played a part in overcoming the greatest national crisis of Chusun, that is, Japanese Invasion of 1592. After the war came to an end, he went to Japan for negotiating with its government, and came back to Chosun successfully with Chosun people who had been taken prisoners during the war. The point in question about these facts is whether Saint Sa-myung s going to Japan was an official diplomatic policy. Both Chosun and Japan did not take explicitly the official diplomatic policies, while they wished eagerly the resumption of foreign relations with each other at that time. Because the inner and outer situations of both and the doubts about each other as a result of war during seven years brought this hesitations to them. In these circumstances, Chosun selected Saint Sa-rnyung as an intermediate who could intercede considering two nation's situation, and sent him to Japan. Therefore, Saint Sa-myung performed effectively the official 'Sal1ang(使行)' in Japan in accordiance with the purpose of Chosun's government, even if he was aware that this 'Sahang' was not by means of the official diplomatic action. This context can explain the treatment of Saint Sa-myung by Japanese government. Among others, it is remarkable that it settled Saint Sa-myung's abode at Honpouji(本法寺) in Kyoto(京道). Honpouji's lower lank of temple(寺格) at that time shows that Japanese government did not only treat Saint Sa-myung as an official delegate, but even gave him a cold reception. However, Tokugawa-Ieyasu(德川家康) had appreciated that both of two nations were actually eager to resume the diplomatic relation, and had a conference with Saint Sa-myung to arrive at the solution of questions pending between two nations. Consequently, the official delegates from Chosun were send to Japan just after two years.

18,19세기 同族ㆍ特殊部落의 實態 : 新例 彦陽縣戶籍大帳을 중심으로

蔡尙植 釜山大學校 1984 人文論叢 Vol.26 No.1

The basic material of this study is the census registers of the separate seven years during 150 years (1711∼1861), which were discovered recently. We can study the social changes during this period through this material. There have been many researches based on the census registers of such provinces Daegu, Ulsan, and Dansang, But as each province has its own characteristics, the results of this research are believed to have its own significances. In the same blood village, the same surnume and the same family origin appeals to social function in the province. In general, the analysis of the census register give chase to a field in quantity which is the unit of a householders, 1 consider that the same blood village had the same surname which is composed of more than five houses of the same blood relation in the unit of Ree(里). In case of O˘nyang, the families of yangban(兩班) which forms the families of yuhag(幼學) had been almost formed the same blood village. But the number is very few, as compared with another province, for example, the case of Danso˘ng in the year 1717. In the year 1711, the number of the same surname is 62, in it, the number of the families of yuhag is 5. But in the year 1798, the number of the same surname is 60, in it, the number of the families of yuhag is 28. The actual situation that the families of yuhag increases largely, shows that the rule of yangban or sajog(士族) is not powerful in O˘nyang. The type of the characteristic village is the families, of chung'in(中人), of post-horsers(驛史), of artisan(匠人), of staves(奴婢). In o˘nyang, the families of chung'in came to increase in number with the changes of the times. Perhaps it had been related with economic growth of the chung'in. As that, the families of post-horsers, of artisan, of slaves came to decrease in number. Especially the families of post-horsers had almost the same surname of the same blood relation. In it, we see the economic growth and the binding by blood relation or chigyo˘g(職役).

고려중기 通度寺의 寺格과 역사적 의미

蔡尙植 釜山大學校 韓國文化硏究所 1990 韓國文化硏究 Vol.3 No.-

一然(1206~1289)의 사상적 경향

蔡尙植 釜山大學校 韓國文化硏究所 1988 韓國文化硏究 Vol.1 No.-

초록없음

新羅 僧官制 이해를 위한 試論

蔡尙植 釜山大學校 韓國文化硏究所 1993 韓國文化硏究 Vol.6 No.-

無畏國統 丁午의 활동상과 사상적 경향

蔡尙植 부산대사학회 1999 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.23

한국 중세불교의 이해 방향과 인식틀

蔡尙植 영남대학교 2003 민족문화논총 Vol.27 No.-

This paper examines an understanding of the Koreans of the Korean Buddhism in the Middle Age. It sums up as follows; Firstly, Buddhism helped Silla to develop as an ancient state in the age of Malipgan(麻立干) and also to advance into a medieval society. Buddhism was introduced to Silla via China through Iisun county(一善郡), a traffic route with Goguryeo. Silla was then under the reign of King Nulji of the early 5th century. It is evident that the Royal family took the lead in that introduction due to the fact that incensing monks resided in the Court during the reign of King Soji and also to the buddhist features on Jeokseongmokgwanbun(積石木槨墳) in the 5th century. In the process of recognizing Buddhism, the Royal family and the novelty reached some kind of agreements which may be exemplified by the fact that monks substituted for medicine shamans(巫醫) and Hungyun temple(興輪寺) was built in the place of sacrificial rites. After the introduction of Buddhism ot Silla, there was a change to the way of thinking within the society, and also to the funeral method together with construction of old tombs(古墳). The establishment of Hwarang(花郞制度) is a good example. Secondly, Denominative Buddhism(宗派佛敎), Buddhism in the Middle Age, appeared in the course of the unity war. This period saw many changes in the Korean society. People did not just adopt the existing buddhist theory and the ceremonial style, but began to analyze and even criticize them. Buddhism was no longer known only to the novelties and the Royal family members. The commoners also widely accepted buddhism. This was the period buddhist denomination became organized, while the centre of Silla society moved from the capital the provinces. The denominative Buddhism was established with political, economic, and social changes occurred in the course of the unity war. It began to be formed in the reign of king Jinpyeong and was organized in the middle period of Silla, for instance, Avatasmaka School(華嚴宗), Dharmalaksana School(法相宗), Sinin School(神印宗). Finally, Zen Buddhism(禪宗) was introduced in the late period of Silla. It contributed to fill up the ideological and religious gaps between the ruling class and the ruled class, which was attributed to the conservatism of theoretical Buddhism. We must reconsider the interpretation that emphasizes only the opposing relations between the ideology of Zen and theoretical Buddhism. The introduction of Zen ideology contributed to the establishment of a practical Buddhism without fundamentally changing Buddhism. Zen ideology had an effect on the development of Silla society in the Middle Age. Nevertheless, it was Pure Land Faith(淨土信仰) centered by Maitreya(彌靭信仰) that became the ideological base of the power group who changed the social structure silla.

高麗國新雕大藏校正別錄의 편찬과 자료적 가치

채상식 釜山大學校 韓國民族文化硏究所 2013 한국민족문화 Vol.46 No.-

『高麗國新雕大藏校正別錄』(이하 『교정별록』)은 현재 고려초조대장경, 북송장경, 거란장경 등이 다 없어진 상황에서 그러한 장경들의 모습을 더듬어 볼 수 있고, 또 해인사 소장 재조대장경의 조판 경위를 알 수 있는 역사적 자료이다. 그리고 『교정별록』은 守其를 대표로 하여 교감을 맡은 학승들이 오류를 철저하게 파악하여 교감한 것으로 대장경 연구에 중요한 서지학적 자료이다. 이와 같이 철저한 교감을 거쳤기 때문에 재조대장경은 불교학 연구에 있어서 세계사적인 가치를 지니는 것이다. 이러한 『교정별록』 편찬을 통해서 알 수 있는 대장경 연구의 몇 가지 사실과 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 종래에 일본측 학자들은 명확한 이론적 근거도 없이 초조장경은 북송의 개보칙판장경의 복각에 불과하다는 주장을 하였다. 그러나 『교정별록』의 내용을 분석해 보면 초조장경은 국내에 전해 오던 많은 사본과 대비했으며, 일부는 고려에만 잔존하던 경전을 入藏하기도 하였다. 어떻든 『교정별록』에 의해 초조장경은 단순히 북송의 장경을 복각한 것이 아니라 근 70여 년에 걸쳐 국내에 전하던 불경들과 상호 교감하거나, 부분적으로 고려에만 잔존하던 불경들을 새로이 入藏하여 완성한 것임을 알 수 있다. 둘째, 현재 거란장경은 별로 알려진 바 없다. 그러나 거란장경에 대해서 는 별로 알려진 바 없었으나 재조장경에는 거란본에 의거하여 중국에서 이미 인멸된 『釋摩訶衍論』과 『玄文論』을 入藏했을 뿐만 아니라 고려초조본·북송본의 많은 오류를 교감한 내용을 담고 있다. 이를 통해 사라진 거란장경의 면모를 단편적이나마 알 수 있다. 셋째, 『교정별록』에는 守其 등의 교감자는 고려본, 북송본, 거란본 등을 동일시하여 교감한 것이 아니다. 교감을 할 때 國本(고려초조본)과 宋本이 오류가 있을 경우는 ‘去’, ‘刪去’라고 했으나 丹本이 오류가 있을 때는 ‘不取’라는 용어를 사용한 것으로 보아 거란본을 正本으로 삼아 세 가지 본을 상호 대조하였던 것으로 짐작된다. 결론적으로 말해 『교정별록』의 편찬은 목록작업과 함께 대장경 간행을 위한 기초작업의 의미를 갖는다. 이러한 편찬은 당시 몽고에 유린되고 있던 동아시아에서 고려불교 수준이 최고의 위치에 있었기 때문에 가능할 수 있었다. It is well acknowledged that Koryokukshinjodaechangkyochongbyollock(高麗國新雕大藏校正別錄) has been the historical text through which the contents of Koryochojodaejangkyong(고려초조대장경), Sung’s Tripitaka in Northern Sung(북송장경), and Kitan’s Tripitaka(거란장경) that have been disappeared up to this time and the detailed information of typesetting Jaejodaejangkyong belonged to Haein-sa temple could be supposed. It has been also known that Kyochongbyollock which the learned Buddhist priests headed by Suki(守其) published to correct the errors of Tripitaka has been considered as a bibliographically crucial text to the study of it. With Kyochongbyollock published, it can be seen that there arose some features or aspects of the study of Tripitaka. First, Japanese scholars of this area have argued that Chojodaejangkyong is nothing but an imitation of ung’s Tripitaka in Northern Sung. It is widely agreed, however, that it proceeded by comparing other versions of Tripitaka in Koryo and importantly, by including them remained only in Koryo as well. Second, Kitan’s version has been little known so far. But Jajojangkyong shows much of proofing-records of several versions destroyed in China and others in East Asia. This allows one to witness the fragments of Kitan’s version. Finally, proofreaders, like Suki, did not equal wight to each versions of Tripitaka but compared one to another on the basis of Kitan’s version. In conclusion, the work of Kyochongbyollock was a kind of fundamental project for the publication of Tripitaka Koreana. This is also suggestive of the Buddhism of Koryo at the highest level in that period.