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RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 權達天(Kwon Dal Chon) (검색결과 11 건)
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日本近代史學의 成立에 관한 硏究(下) : Especially on Acceptance of Western Historical Science 특히 西洋史學의 受容을 中心하여
權達天 釜山大學校 1983 人文論叢 Vol.24 No.1
At the Tokugawa Period in Japan not only science schools including Confucianism, Japanese national learnings and Western learnings had already developed but also many science branches had been so early formed that the field of learnings and arts had been enriched. Thus the historical science had greatly been progressed at that relied as well. Before the period many historical books had teen published by means of both the official publications of royal household or Shogunate and the private Publications of royal officers or monks, but, strictly speaking, those publications had not been settled as historical science so that they had not played an important role in the field of learnings and arts. If the historical science was to bf characteristic in learnings, such works as collections and investigations of historical materials and criticism and options of historical facts must be served as the basis of historical descriptions. Furthermore, it is desirable that the historical science school should have the unique meaning as an independent science by classifying it from the other branches of sciences and be adaptable in the social need of the age. If we define the conception of historical science as mentioned above, the historical science in Japan was really formed after the formation of modern society by taking the form of modernistic historical science along with it. But this tendency had begun by the trends of Japanese national learnings since the latteer part of Tokugawa Period, and then the formation of the modernistic historical science was established with rational and scientific systems at the latter part of 1890's in the process of turning the main stream of historical science from the collected history into the theoretical history by introducing the western learnings, especially the acceptance of western historical science, from the western world into Japan.
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後期國際社會主義運動의 覇權主義的 性格 : Ideologie 보다 國家利益 National Interest in Advance of Ideology
權達天 釜山大學校 1984 人文論叢 Vol.25 No.1
The Former International Socialism Movement with the lira: and second International in the center was disrupteb finally and failed to reveal true internationalism owing to the nationalistic factional consciousness which was occurred in the inside of its movement. Therefore, when the World War I broke out, a number of revisionary majority socialists and most of labourers went to the war so as to help their own mother country that the second Internatioaal was broken down, in fact, early in the war by such a nationalism. The tatter International Socialism Movement with the third International, Comintern, in the center also came to have hegemonistic characters in the end because the Soviet Union which was the first socialistic nation played an extreme rote nationalism leadership upon it. The hegemonism had originated from the nationalism factional nature after the Former International Socialism Movement. Thus, this principle, not to mention about the former and latter movement, proves the lesson of the human history that the seek of national interest for the national prosperity should be in advance of realization for the class liberation of social ideology in the International Socialism Movement. However, the International Socialism Movement with various "International" organizations in the center and the International Labour Movement have never really teen international consistently throughout the whole periods. The socialists and labourers in each country are separated to be hostile one another because of contradictory national interest beyond ideology as in the examples that there is an ideology struggle between the Soviet Union and the Coummunist China in the same camp of socialism, and the interior of the International Labour Movement is in conflict with two great fevers even today. These facts give us the real sense that the Marxism principle which is based or the premise of the unity of the world labourers is but a Utopian theory.
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權達天 釜山大學校 1988 人文論叢 Vol.33 No.1
Once Marx and Engels predicted that the socialistic revolution would break out simultaneously across tile world in a sweeping scale in a violent way before the-end of the century, having an international reciprocal relationship after the class-consciousness of workers in tile advanced industrialized countries such as Britain, France, Germany, ete. had fully ripened as those countries had been highly industrialized. The fallacy of the prediction by Marx, et al., the theory of violent and socialistic World Revolution, however, was proved later. That is, Lenin could not but modify the Marxian theory of World Revolution because lie realized that the socialistic revolution could not come true in a world-wide scale then due to patriotic nationalism which had formed as the spirit for the Fatherland's War of the workers of each industrialized countries has reached a high level through the experience or the World War Ⅰet al. Although in 1915 Lenin already presented a paper in which he suggested the possibility of the Socialism One Country, he insisted in the end of 1922 that the Socialism in One Country should be realized first in a country with mature conditions for it because he speculated that the socialistic 1·evolution could not occur simultaneously across the world in a particular international environment, what is so called, in the era of Imperialism by correcting Marx's theory of socialistic revolution to justify the inevitability and validity of the past Bolshevik Revolution broken cut In one country, as in Russia In 1917. In other words, according to Lenin, the Socialism in One Country could be realized even in the underdeveloped Russia by a violent revolution without taking the step of capitalistic intense industrialization in spite of the presense of the still substantial remnant of the feudalistic inheritance because as early as in 1917 the renditions (or the socialistic revolution had been matured as the byproduct of the World War Ⅰ by so called Revolutionary Defeatism in line with the Bolshevik strategics which connected the disturbing state of civil war caused by the World War I with a revolution. This theory of Lenin was succeeded by Stalin and it was aggravated, in the middle of the refutation of Trotzky who adhered to the theory of Permanent World Revolution as an important issue of the power struggle between Stalin and Trotzky after the death of Lenin. As was said above, while Marx and angels once declared that the socialistic revolution would occur on the scale of worldly revolution simultaneously across the world, Trotzky insisted that the socialistic revolution would continuously progress permanently and that even a revolution once carried out at the unit of one nation like Russia's Bolshevik Revolution could not be actualized as self-completion and after that, the process toward a Permanent World Revolution would continue. This is his theory of Permanent World Revolution. As opposed to this, Lenin and Stalin asserted that the socialistic revolution would above all succeed on the one-nation scale achieving self-completion without giving up the objectives of world-wide revolution. This assertion is the thesis of the article, the theory of Socialism in One Country.
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