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지배선 ( Bae Sun Ji ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2014 동방학지 Vol.168 No.-
李洧는 고구려 유민의 齊나라를 건국한 李納의 아버지 李正己의 從父兄이다. 그 당시 李洧가 徐州 자사가 된 것은 이정기 때문이다. 그러나 이정기가 별안간 죽음으로 말미암아 그의 아들 이납이 이정기를 세습하자, 李洧는 더 큰 벼슬을 얻을 욕심으로 당에 투항하였다. 그런 李洧를 연구 대상으로 삼은 것은 고구려 유민의 제나라가 50여 년 지속하는 동안 당은 물론이고 제나라 내부에서 연속적인 도전이 있었다는 사례를 규명하기 위함이다. 李洧가 죽은 후 徐州는 李洧의 아우 李淡에게 귀속될 뻔하였다. 그런데 李淡이 욕심이 많은 翟濟를 벗으로 두었던 것이 화가 되어 李淡의 계획은 무산되었다. 당은 李洧가 죽은 지 30여년이 지나 李洧의 자손에 대한 배려조치를 하였다. 즉 『舊唐書』의 「憲宗紀」의 元和 8년(813년) 8월조에, ‘庚寅, 나라를 위해 죽었으나 집안이 망한 옛 徐州자사 李洧등 11家의 자손에 대해서, 모두를 마땅히 살펴서 돕도록 조서를 내렸다’는 기록이 있다. 이는 李洧 후손에 대해 당이 도우려는 조치는 정치적 의도였다. 다시 말해 元和 4年 이정기의 손자 平盧·淄靑절도사 이사도가 당 태종이 하사한 魏徵의 구택을 魏徵의 玄孫 魏稠가 살림이 어려워서 저당 잡힌 집을 찾아 주려고 시도다. 이때 白季庚의 아들 白居易등이 앞장서 이사도의 제안을 강력히 반대하였다. 그 결과 이사도가 魏徵의 현손 魏稠에게 집을 되찾아 주려는 계획은 무산되었다. 백거이가 ‘齊’나라 이사도가 옛 魏徵의 잡을 찾아주는 것은 잘못된 일이라는 상주문의 전문인 『論魏徵舊宅狀』 오늘까지 전한다. 그렇다면 당이 제나라와 대립하고 있는 상황에서 李洧의 후손을 당이 돌보려는 것은 정치적 계산이 깔린 의도다. 제나라 이납의 徐州자사 이유가 刺史보다 강력한 節度使가 되려는 욕망 때문에 비롯된 문제였다. 어찌되었건 이유가 그의 사촌 平盧·淄靑절도사 이정기처럼 악성 종양으로 삶을 일찍 마감하였다. 그러나 李洧 모반은 이납의 제나라 건국에 큰 장애가 되었다. Li Wei (李洧) is the cousin of Li Zheng-Ji, the father of Li Na, who founded the Ch``i Dynasty, a country of Goguryo migrants. Li Wei owed his position of the administrator of Hsu-Chou 徐州, which he held at that time, to Li Zheng-Ji. However, when Li Na succeeded Li Zheng-Ji, who had suddenly died, Li Wei surrendered to the dynasty due to his ambition for higher positions. Such a personality as Li Wei was selected for study here because it should be brought to light that the Ch``i Dynasty had been challenged continuously within the country itself and by the Tang Dynasty continually while the Ch``i Dynasty of Goguryo migrants lasted during its 50 years. The problem of the Suhjoo administrator Li Wei is ascribable to his desire to become a governor, a position much stronger than an administrator. In any event, Li Wei finished his life course at an early age due to a malignant tumor, like his cousin Li Zheng-Ji, the 平盧·淄靑 governor. However, Li Wei``s rebellion was a serious obstacle to the founding of the Ch``i Dynasty by Li Na.
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池培善(Ji, Bae-Sun) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.79
Li Zheng-ji, who was a Goguryo migrant, entered on the stage during the suppression of The Rebellion of An Lu-shan. Li set up his cousin Hou Hsi-i as the I-qing-chieh-tu-shih in Qing-chou. Hou was afraid of his Li’s leadership and tried to eliminate Li Zheng-ji. However, Hou was banished by soldiers, and consequently, Li became a I-qing-chieh-tu-shih. Li died during his fight in cooperation with other chieh-tu-shihs against T’ang. After that, the position of I-qing-chieh-tu-shih was bequeathed to Li Na, Li Zheng-ji’s son. Later, Li Shi-gu, Li Na’s son, inherited that position. After Li Shi-gu died, his half brother Li Shih-tao labored to confirm the position from T’ang. Meanwhile, T’ang tried to conquer Li Shih-tao, attacking his territory from three sides. The fact that the position of Hai-yun-lu-yun-chia-Silla-Pohai-liang-fan-shih was monopolized by Lee’s family is an important key to the interpretation of the history of Korea-China relationship. In other words, it is a clue to prove the active trade between T’ang and Shilla or T’ang and Balhae around Shan-tung Peninsula from the late eighth century to the early ninth century. After the collapse of Lee’s family’s control of Shan-tung Peninsula, pacification of that area was beyond T’ang’s power. Probably, considerable number of Shilla’s 30,000 soldiers who had been mobilized by Tang’s request for the suppression of Li could have remained in Shan-tung area. As a result, a full-scale settlement of Shilla people was established around Shan-tung Peninsula. Therefore, it can be assumed that the foundation of Jang Bogo’s marine network was set up with the appearance of Lee’s family.
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지배선(Ji, Bae-Sun) 백산학회 2009 白山學報 Vol.- No.83
This paper proposes to interpret the record to the effect that “At that time, Koguryo invaded Yen-chun(燕郡), killing over 100 persons or taking them captive.” laid down in Article 12, “Chinshu( 晉書)” Vol. 124, “Muyung-Hsi Tasichi( 慕容熙載記),” an alleged authentic history that Chinese believe to be free from error. This paper proposes to clarify why King Kwanggaeto made inroads into Beijing, the capital city of Yen in the days of Spring and Autumn, or the Era of Warring States and that since the days of Ming and Ching Dynasties all the way down to the present time. Inroads into Yen-chun of Later Yen by King Kwangaeto shows that the influence of Koguryo reached out to the east region of Northern China. Kowoon, a royal descendent of Koguryo founded North Yen in the east of Northern China after Later Yen fell, thus coming into a close relationship with Koguryo. It is hard to take the account of “Chinshu” as it is which states that the last king Muyung-Hsi misruled the country due to excessive love for his queen and was dethroned. Since Koguryo swayed an absolute influence in the eastern part of Northern China, Kowoon, a royal descendent of Koguryo, was crowned as king, thereby founding North Lian. King Kwanggaeto, the 15th king of the Koguryo dynasty, who held sway over the order of Northern China in the 5th century, expanded the Koguryo territory as far as he could. This accounts for the reason he was addressed after his demise as King Kwanggaeto, which literally means ‘the king who expanded his territory,’ regardless of the tradition where most of the kings were named after the name of a certain locality.
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사마르칸트(康國)와 고구려 관계에 대하여 : 고구려 사신의 康國 방문 이유
지배선(Ji, Bae-Sun) 백산학회 2011 白山學報 Vol.- No.89
Koguryo was a prosperous trading country in North East Asia. This is demonstrated by the Su?’s(隋) strategy of mobilizing 20,000 heads of turk’s horses in order to attack the Kitan, who invaded Ying-chou(營州). When the 20,000 heads of horses made their way into Kitan’s territory, and Su?’ said it simply would like to pass by to trade with Koguryo, Kitan suspected nothing at all. Later, Su?’’s Wei Yun-chi(韋雲起) who had mounted a surprise attack into Kitan came off victorious by capturing 40,000 Kitan’s men and women. That is, though Wei Yun-chi played a trick on Kitan by organizing turk’s mounted soldiers so that 1,000 of them each as a unit might pass Kitan, one li apart from each other, Kitan suspected nothing about it. In other words, Wei Yun-chi disguised the soldiers as a caravan of 1,000 merchants who were headed for Koguryo. This testifies to the fact that Koguryo was a very prosperous and powerful trading country in ancient North-East Asia. Then Koguryos’ envoys depicted in the mural of the Afrasiab Palace of Samarkant did not only two persons. The Koguryo’s envoys dispatched to Sogd actually numbered into the hundreds at least. It is thought that the group was one of hundreds including caravans in addition to envoys since they traded carrying Koguryo’s specialty with them. Incidentally, the author would like to draw the reader’s attention to the accounts on Ondal of the Book of Ondal in The Samguksagi(三國史記). It is because no account on the father is given while an account of the mother is. The Samguksagi shows that Ondal is a man who lived during the reign of King Pyongwon (559~590) of Koguryo Dynasty. Stupid as he may look, making himself a laughing stock, he was naive by nature. Born in an extremely poor family, he always took care of his mother by begging for food. Since he was getting about wearing worn-out clothing and shoes, they called Ondal a fool. Nothing is mentioned about Ondal’s father afterward, either. However, Ondal was neglected in the Koguryo society where the upper and lower classes were distinctly separated, left as a fatherless son, rather than he was called a fool because he looked shabby. It is highly suggestive that Ondal’s mother said to Princess Pyonggang “My son looks so shabby that he cannot possibly make a spouse for a noble person, and my family is all too poor for a distinguished one to dwell.” Here the wording “My son looks so shabby” means that he was not of a Koguryo origin but of elsewhere. It is because Ondal was a fatherless son that all in the Pyongyang Castle called Ondal a fool. It is noteworthy that Ondal, who was brushed off as wretched in such a way, rode on the horse of his own raising, displaying outstanding horsemanship and hunting skills after he married Prince Pyonggang. It is a fact accepted by all and every researchers who examined commercial transactions between the East and West would agree that Samarkant people went abroad to trade since early childhood. Then, it is highly likely that Ondal’s father had come from Samarkant to Koguryo. In addition, Ondal is the progenitor of the On family. The fact that the Samarkant king was surnamed On is part of Chinese history. The current study proposes to bring to light the fact that Koguryo was a country that ventured out into Central Asia and even further into West Asia as well as North Asia, making commercial transactions with them.
KCI
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