무엇을 해도 좋은 대안적 주민센터

하시모토 유스케 예술경영지원센터 2011 예술경영 Vol.- No.5

그리움을 금하는 것

하라 유스케(原佑介) 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2011 일본연구 Vol.15 No.-

朝鮮生まれの植民者二世作家小林勝(1927-1971)は晩年、「懐かしいと言ってはならぬ」という主張を繰り返したが、これは植民地を現在とは断絶したものとして忘却しようとする戦後日本社会への一種の抵抗であった。後期の代表作「目なし頭」(1967年)で小林は、植民地期の朝鮮人と戦後の在日朝鮮人を結びつけてとらえ、植民地期朝鮮と戦後日本の連続性を強調した。広域植民地帝国から適当な規模の民主主義国家へ、「皇国臣民」から為政者に騙された不幸な民衆へ、そして植民者から「引揚者」へと、旧植民地の人々からすればあまりにもあっけなく変貌していく戦後日本社会にあって、小林は死に至るまで植民者として生まれ育ったという自らの出自に執着し続けた。戦後も彼を植民者二世であらしめ続けたのは、戦後日本社会が忘れ去っていこうとしている、解放後も植民地主義の傷跡膿む分断の朝鮮と、在日朝鮮人たちの苦悩であった。

뇌졸중 재활치료에 있어서 병원군집간 의료서비스 제공실태와 치료성과 - 일본 뇌졸중 환자 데이터베이스를 이용하여 -

이노우에 유스케,정승원,콘도 카츠노리,서영준 보건의료산업학회 2011 보건의료산업학회지 Vol.5 No.3

This study was to assess the differences in rehabilitation outcomes between the different facilities in Japan, and to determine if there was any variation in patients' functional recovery at hospital discharge across the different facilities. This study focused on acute patients in the rehabilitation ward using the data of 1,830 patients from 8 hospitals after adjusting for triage at admission obtained from the Rehabilitation Patients Databank in Japan (issued in February, 2011) and compared the therapeutic results of each hospital. We estimate the expected value of levels of activities of daily living(ADL) at discharge for rehabilitation patients using regression analysis and Cluster analysis. There were differences among hospitals in their therapeutic results. The differences in the participation of physicians registered as rehabilitation specialists, amount of exercise, self-exercise wihtout therapist, and exercise in wards, were statistically significant differences between hospitals.

帝国日本が作製した釜山の都市図に関する基礎的研究

사카노 유스케(阪野祐介),김선화(金仙花) 한국해양대학교 국제해양문제연구소 2020 해항도시문화교섭학 Vol.0 No.22

본 논문의 목적은 제국 일본이 제작한 부산 도시도(都市圖)를 대상으로 하여 도시도의 간행상황, 도시도의 구성요소와 구도의 특징 및 식민도시 부산에 대한 심상지리(心象地理)를 고찰하고자 한 것이다. 근대기에 일본이 제작한 부산 도시도의 간행은 1900년대부터 확인되고 있으며 1910년 일본이 한국을 병합하면서 도시계획도나 행정지도, 상공안내도 등 다종다양한 도시도가 간행되기 시작하였다. 1920년대에 이르러는 식민지 투어리즘의 유행과 동시에 관광안내도의 간행이 현저히 증가되기 시작했다. 부산 도시도가 근대적 지도로 전환된 시기는 방위 기호, 축척, 등고선 채용, 사진 게재 등을 고려하면 1910년대 이후에 진행됐다고 생각된다. 다만 1929년에 발간된 요시다 하츠사브로(吉田初三郎)의 조감도처럼, 회화적 요소를 지닌 전근대적 지도가 완전히 도태되었다고 말하기는 힘들다. 또한 일본에서 제작한 근대 부산 도시도를 고찰할 때 중요한 점은, 근대 이후 일본과 한국의 불균형한 관계에 있어서 지도가 제작되었다는 점이다. 따라서 근대 부산도시도, 특히 부산 관광안내도에는 일본의 시각에서 바라본 부산의 심상지리가 짙게 표현되어 있음을 발견할 수 있다. 일본의 군대나 식민지통치기관이 제작한 관제지형도뿐만 아니라 다양한 지도들이 당시 식민 도시 부산에 대한 일본의 식민지주의를 지탱하고 있었다고 생각된다. The purpose of this paper is to examine the publication situation of Busan city maps produced by imperial Japan, the characteristics of the components and compositions of these maps, and the imaginative geographies of colonial city Busan under Japanese rule. The publication of Busan city maps that produced by Japan in the modern period seems to have begun in 1900s. When imperial Japan annexed Korea in 1910, various kinds of city maps began to be published in Japan; including city planning maps, administrative maps, business information maps etc. In the 1920s, the publication of travel guide maps increased rapidly as colonial tourism became popular in Japan. Considering use of azimuth sign, scale bar, contour lines and insert photograph, it is impossible to argue that the ‘modernization’ of the Busan city maps have progressed after the 1910s. However, pre-modern pictorial maps, such as the bird’s eye view of Hatsusaburo Yoshida published in 1929, were not disappeared. Another important point in considering the modern Busan city maps produced by Japan is that these maps were produced in unbalanced relationship between Japan and Korea in the modern era. And, Busan city maps, especially the travel guide maps of Busan, showed the ‘imaginative geographies’ of Busan by Japan. Thus, not only the government-manufactured maps, but also various Busan city maps supported Japanese colonialism at the time.

주동령부마구 편년의 재검토

모모사키 유스케 영남고고학회 2022 영남·구주학회 합동고고학대회 Vol.14 No.1

朝鮮鐵道 黃海線 沿線市場의 物流構造 -鐵道貨物輸送統計의 考察을 中心으로-

다케우치 유스케 한일민족문제학회 2013 한일민족문제연구 Vol.24 No.-

本稿の目的は、黄海道という一地域を事例に、鉄道の敷設・拡張とそれにともなう地域経済の変化を、鉄道貨物輸送統計の観察により明らかにすることである。「黄海道」と「鉄道」に着目するのには、2つの理由がある。第一に、黄海道という地域は、他の地域に比べて、「私鉄」が大きな位置を占めるという点である。これまでの植民地期朝鮮の鉄道研究は主に国鉄が中心となっており、私鉄に関する研究が少ない。それは営業距離や貨物輸送量の面からみて、国鉄の比重が圧倒的に大きいからである。しかし、地域別に鉄道の敷設状況を検討すると、私鉄の比重が大きい地域がある。黄海道という地域は、まさにそのような地域であった。第二に、黄海道、その中でも朝鮮鉄道株式会社黄海線沿線という地域は、農産物と鉱産物という一次産品の生産を中心とするいわゆるモノカルチャー経済であった点である。植民地期の朝鮮経済の基本的特徴は、一次産品を日本に輸出するという貿易構造を持っていたことである。その意味で、黄海線沿線地域は当時の朝鮮経済全体を代表する地域だといえる。一方、1920年代後半から1930年代にかけて日本帝国の経済構造が重化学工業化していく中で、朝鮮内でも一定程度の工業化が進展するとともに、その原料となる鉱産物の生産も大きく増加した。それによって、同時期に鉱産物·工業製品を中心に、朝鮮内での物流量が増加するようになった。このような変化の結果、一次産品の生産を中心とする地域の市場がどのように変化したかを検証することは当時の朝鮮経済全体を理解するためにも重要なことだと考えられる。筆者が推計した鉄道輸送額の分析によると、黄海線の貨物輸送の特徴は、他地域との輸送が大部分ということである。その具体的内容は、第一に、国鉄·兼二浦駅(三菱製鉄兼二浦工場)への鉄鉱石の輸送が一貫して多かったことである。第二に、1930年代から米の輸送が増えたことである。この変化の要因は、米の生産地に路線が拡張したことと、海州港と鉄道が接続したこと(それによる海路経由での他地域への輸送の増加)が挙げられる。第三に、他地域からは工業製品が輸送されていたことである。つまり黄海線は、農産品·鉱産品という一次産品を「移出」し、工産品を「移入」するという典型的なモノカルチャー経済であり、それは植民地期を通じて一貫した特徴であったといえる。但し、1930年代に入ってそれまで以上に多くの米·鉄鉱石が他地域に輸送された結果、輸送の内容にも若干の変化が見られるようになった。これを到着の面から考察すると、第一に、肥料の到着が大きく増加した点を挙げることができる。これは米輸送の増加の結果、農家の現金収入機会を増やし、肥料の購入を増加させたためだと考えられる。また、この肥料の大部分は、咸鏡南道·朝鮮窒素興南工場の硫酸アンモニアであったことから、米輸送の増加の結果、朝鮮内での工産品の自給と地域間分業を促進したということもできる。第二に、綿織物、酒類など生活消費財の他地域からの到着額も増加していたことが挙げられる。さらに、同じ黄海線内で米以外の穀物や野菜類などの輸送額も増加していた。これらは一人当たりの到着額でみても増加していることから、一次産品の他地域への移出の結果、当該... Through the study of rail cargo transportation statistics and taking the area called Hwang-hae-do as an example, this paper aims to shed light on the construction and expansion of the Hwang-hae Line, and the changes within the regional economy that followed. There are two reasons for this study’s focus on “Hwang-hae-do” and “railroads.” First, compared with other areas, “private railroads” played an important role within Hwang-hae-do. Until now, studies on colonial Korean railroads have mainly focused on government-owned railroads, and only a few have focused on private railroads. This is because government-owned railroads accounted for an overwhelming share of area coverage and cargo volume. However, if the construction of railroads is analyzed by region, it can be seen that there are certain areas wherein private railroads play a more significant role. Hwang-hae-do is one of these areas. Second, Hwang-hae-do, and within it the area along the Hwang-hae Line of the Chosen Railways is a so-called monoculture economy, focusing mainly on the production of agricultural and mineral products, which are primary commodities. The basic feature of the Korean economy during the colonial period is that its trade structure was characterized by exports of primary commodities to Japan. In this sense, the area along the Hwang-hae Line can be considered to be representative of the whole Korean economy. On the other hand, as the economic structure of the Japanese Empire underwent industrialization through the heavy and chemical industries from the latter half of the 1920s until the 1930s, the Korean economy underwent industrialization to a certain extent, and with it, the production of the necessary mineral products increased. Because of this, the volume of commodity distribution within Korea, primarily mineral products and manufactured goods, increased during the same period. As a result of these changes, the study of how markets changed in areas which mainly produced primary commodities can be considered important in the understanding of the whole Korean economy during this period. Results of the analysis of the estimated value of railroad cargo conducted by the author indicate that within the Hwang-hae Line, cargo was for the most part transported to areas outside the Hwang-hae Line. In particular, results show that, first, transportation of iron ore to Gyeomipo Station of the national railways (bound for the Gyeomipo Factory of the Mitsubishi Seitetsu Company) was substantial all throughout the period. Next, beginning in the 1930s, transportation of rice increased. The expansion of the line to rice producing areas and the connection of the railroad to the Haeju port (leading to an increase in transportation to other areas via shipping routes) can be cited as reasons for this change. Third, manufactured goods from other areas were transported to the Hwang-hae Line. In other words, the Hwang-hae Line “moved out” primary commodities such as agricultural and mineral products, and “moved in” manufactured goods, and the area along this line was a typical monoculture economy. It can be said that this was its defining characteristic all throughout the colonial period. On the other hand, beginning in the 1930s, as a result of the transportation of significant amounts of rice and mineral products to other areas, a slight change in the composition of commodities transported can be observed. Based on incoming cargo, first, there was a substantial increase in fertilizer shipments. This can be considered as the result of increased fertilizer purchases by farmers who obtained more cash earnings because of the increase in outward rice shipments. Furthermore, because most of the fertilizer shipments came from the Heungnam factory of the Chosenchisso Company in Hamgyeongnam-do producing ammonium sulphate, it can be said that the increase in rice shipments from Hwang-hae-do promoted self-sufficiency in the production of manufactu...

고바야시 마사루(小林勝)와 최규하(崔圭夏)

하라 유스케 국제한국문학문화학회 2012 사이 Vol.12 No.-

본고에서는 패전후 일본에서 조선문제에 대해 가장 진지하게 생각해온 작가 고바야시 마사루(1927~1971)의 사상적 핵심인 조선에 대한 향수의 거부가 가지는 역사적 의의를 고찰한다. 그는 식민지 조선에서 태어난 식민자 2세였다. 만년의 에세이「‘그립다’고 해서는 안 된다(「懐しい」と言ってはならぬ)」(1971년)와 이 에세이에서 반성적으로 반추하고 있는 초기의 단편소설 「일본인 중학교(日本人中学校)」(1957년)를 분석대상으로 삼는다. 이 소설에서 고바야시 마사루는 1940년대 대구에서 보낸 자신의 중학교 시절의 한 일화를 소설화했다. 동경고등사범학교를 막 졸업한 젊은 영어교사가 실은 조선인인 줄 알게 된 일본인 학생들이 그의 민족성을 모욕하고 결국 학교에서 쫓아내고 만다. 고바야시는 실화를 바탕으로 둔 이 이야기를 통해서 자신을 포함한 그들 식민자 2세의 식민주의적 정신구조를 생생하게 그렸다. 그런데 마지막 에세이에서 그는 그 신임영어교사가 실은 대한민국 외무부장관 최규하였음을 알게 되고 충격을 받았다고 썼는데, 이것이 바로 그가 조선을 “‘그립다’고 해서는 안 된다”고 주장하는데 핵심적인 근거 중 하나이다.

HEIMANN Sensor사의 열전퇴(thermopile)형 적외선 어레이 센서

카와구치 유스케 한국광학기기산업협회 2020 光學世界 Vol.177 No.-

단층과 가교-한국전쟁과 일본 포스트식민문학의 탄생

하라 유스케 상허학회 2023 상허학보 Vol.68 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to examine how post-colonial literature in Japan was influenced by the Korean War in its early years. Takeshi Muramatsu (1924~1993) and Masaru Kobayashi (1927~1971) can be cited as representative writers who most persistently wrote on Korea in the history of postwar Japanese literature. Both of them were ex-colonists born and raised in colonial Korea, and as members of the Japanese Communist Party during the Korean War, they opposed the war with Korean communists. The anti-war movement that included conflicts between ethnic groups was often harsh, forcing them to recognize themselves as “the sons of imperialists.” In the process of renewing their self-awareness in this way, Muramatsu and Kobayashi acquired a new understanding of the history of colonialism. After the armistice of the Korean War, they began their literary activities in earnest. The results of these efforts came to fruition mainly in the 1960s and 1970s. 이 글의 목적은 일본의 포스트식민문학이 어떻게 한국전쟁의 영향을 받았는지를 살펴보는 데 있다. 전후일본문학사에서 조선을 둘러싼 문제들에 대해 가장 지속적으로 관심을 기울인 대표적인 작가로 무라마쓰 다케시[村松武司](1924~1993)와 고바야시 마사루[小林勝](1927~1971)를 들 수 있다. 그들은 식민지 조선에서 나고 자란 식민자로, 한국전쟁 당시 일본공산당의 당원으로 조선인 당원들과 같이 반전투쟁을 수행했다. 민족 갈등을 내포한 ‘공동투쟁’은 그들에게 자신이 아직 ‘제국주의자의 아들’임을 알리는 고통스러운 일이기도 했다. 바로 이 과정을 통해 그들은 식민지배의 역사에 대해 새로운 인식을 획득한 것이다. 한국전쟁 휴전 이후 무라마쓰와 고바야시는 본격적으로 집필활동을 펼치게 되는데 그런 문학적 분투의 열매는 주로 1960—1970년대에 결실을 맺었다. 무라마쓰는 조선식민자 아득한 고향 등, 고바야시는 쪽발이 와 조선·메이지 52년 등 일본의 포스트식민문학의 역사에서 절정을 이룬 중요한 작품들을 남겼다.

長崎·キリシタン殉敎の記憶と場所 : 遠藤周作「沈默」をめ』って

사카노 유스케 한국해양대학교 국제해양문제연구소 2013 해항도시문화교섭학 Vol.0 No.8