왕부지(王夫之)`정경교융(情景交融)`론(論)과 왕국유(王國維) `경계(境界)` 론(論)의 상관성(相關性)

조성천 ( Cho Sung-chun ) 중국어문연구회 2016 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.77

Wang Guowei`s `theory of realm`(Jingjie) has absorbed both the aesthetics of traditional Chinese classical literary theory and Wang Fuzhi`s “emotion-and-scene” theory. Also, it is influenced by the philosophy, aesthetics, and literary ideas such as Kant, Schopenhauer and Nietzsche. Therefore, Wang Guowei`s `theory of realm`(Jingjie) is the combination of Chinese and Western literary aesthetics. Wang Guowei`s `theory of realm`(Jingjie) is the embodiment of harmony and reconciliation. The embodiment of harmony and reconciliation is the absolute character of Wang Fuzhi`s literature, philosophy and aesthetics. Wang Guowei inherited both the aesthetic perspective of harmony and reconciliation of Wang Fuzhi, and went on to develop his `theory of realm` by combining ideas and facts, the subjective and the objective, and state of being and state of non-being, dialectically and organically. Based on Wang Guo wei`s QuLu(≪曲錄≫)(≪龍舟會≫(船山遺書本). 國朝王夫之撰. 夫之字而農, 號船山, 衡陽人.), it can be concluded that Wang Guowei`s `theory of realm`(Jingjie) is influenced by Wang Fuzhi. This implies that Wang Guowei had read the Longzhouhui and is influenced by Wang Fuzhi`s other works, such as JiangZhaiShiHua. Modern Chinese scholars such as Tan sitong, Liang qichao, Zhang Bing lin and Zhang Shi Zhao have absorbed the nourishment of Wang Fuzhi`s spirit, philosophy, history and their writings make references to him. However, although Wang Guowei`s `theory of realm`(Jingjie) is the inheritance of Wang Fuzhi`s “emotion-and-scene” theory, his anthology only mentions Wang Fuzhi briefly. This problem needs further study.

王夫之 四書學의 특징과 淸代 實學으로의 전환

진성수 한국동서철학회 2018 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.90

This study examines the process in which Wang Fuzhi(王夫之)’s Sishuxue(四書學) was created and has transitioned to Shixue(實學) in the Qing Dynasty. With this goal in mind, the study examines the intrinsic relationship between Wang Fuzhi's Shixue and Bentilun(本體論) and reviews the characteristics of Jingshilun(經世論) and self-discipline. The philosophical thought of Wang Fuzhi, a scholar who succeeds from the Ming Dynasty, has a clear purpose. Therefore, his Jingshilun(經世論) is rooted in strong ethnic awareness and has a yearning for building a new nation through studies that has practical contribution to the society (經世致用). Wang Fuzhi felt strong need for a new worldview and completed Qi-monism(氣一元論) by succeeding Zhang Zai’s Qi philosophy(氣哲學). Based on Qi-monism, Wang Fuzhi criticized theories of Song Ming Lixue(宋明理學), Taoism, and Buddhism and attempted to unify ‘Moral(道德) and Jingshi(經世),’ which was age-old unresolved issue of Confucianism. In this process, Wang Fuzhi criticized "existent but immovable universe," the main theory of the Cheng Zhu Lixue(程朱學) and presented a new world view that believes in the "moving universe body". Based on this, Wang Fuzhi completed the new methodology of classical learning(經學) and self-discipline that emphasized actual practice rather than knowledge. The critical mind of Wang Fuzhi, which started from with an aim to reform the reality, eventually developed into Jingshilun(經世論) and self-discipline that emphasized people’s active practice after going through series of criticism of Song-Ming Lixue(宋明理學). From this point of view, Wang Fuzhi's Sishuxue can be argued to be a turning point in the transition to the Shixue of the Qing Dynasty which has heavy emphasis on practicality. 본 연구에서는 왕부지 四書學의 형성과정과 淸代 實學으로의 전환과정을 검토하였다. 이를 위해 왕부지 經學과 本體論의 내재적 연관성을 살펴보고, 經世論 및 修養論의 성격을 검토하였다. 明朝의 遺臣이었던 왕부지의 철학사상은 大義名分的 성격이 매우 강하다. 따라서 그의 경세론은 강한 민족의식에 기초하고 있으며, 經世致用을 통해 새로운 나라를 건설하겠다는 염원이 담겨있다. 이에 왕부지는 새로운 세계관의 필요성을 자각하고 張載의 氣哲學을 계승하여 氣一元論을 완성했다. 기일원론을 토대로 왕부지는 宋明理學과 老佛을 비판하고, 儒學의 오래된 과제였던 ‘道德과 經世’의 合一을 시도했다. 이 과정에서 왕부지는 ‘존재하지만 움직이지 않는 우주’라는 程朱學의 본체론을 비판하고, ‘움직이는 우주 본체’라는 새로운 세계관을 제시했다. 이를 바탕으로 왕부지는 지식보다 실천을 강조한 새로운 경학방법론과 수양론을 완성하였다. 현실개혁에서 출발한 왕부지의 비판의식은 결국 宋明理學에 대한 비판을 거쳐 인간의 능동적 실천을 강조하는 경세론과 수양론으로 발전하였다. 이런 점에서 볼 때, 왕부지의 四書學은 실용성을 강조한 청대 실학으로의 전환기 사상이라고 말할 수 있을 것이다.

王夫之 ≪薑齋文集⋅九昭≫ 역해(2)

조성천 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.104

WangFuzhi’s JiangZhaiWenJi(薑齋文集)⋅JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which was completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated Qu Yuan(屈原)‘s ChuCi and wrote this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明)is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan, Wang Fuzhi expressed his emotions in him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi& ChuCiTongShi. This study conducts research on the translation and annotation of “WeiYing(违郢)”, “YinHuai(引懷)”, “JiongZhi(扃志)” in JiuZhao. “WeiYing(违郢)”described the grandeur of Ying City, the brilliant landscape of the State of Chu(楚國), the affluence of the culture and the radiance of the history to express his longing for the rivers and mountains of his country and the emotion of today’s devastation. “YinHuai(引懷)” described the fantasy of meeting with the king. Wang Fuzhi thought that this was an extreme thought in a situation where you can not meet, and it was the result of emotions that only people who have a firm will truly. This work was that Wang Fuzhi sang and expressed his feelings for Qu Yuan, in fact, he wrote his feelings by using this. “JiongZhi(扃志)” depicted the emotions that Gulwon must shut his noble and upright intentions. He said that the lonely loyalty of him could not be with the ancient man and had no mate to share his heart at the time. The historical figures quoted in <JiongZhi> was to reveal the intention of Qu Yuan, but in fact it was to express the feeling of shutting the will of Wang Fuzhi. For the various historical figures Wang Fuzhi cited, such as Bo Yi(伯夷)⋅Shu Ji(叔齊) etc, he showed a different perspective from the previous one. <WeiYing>⋅<YinHuai>⋅<JiongZhi> represented the situation of Wangbuji in consideration of the environment, feelings, and circumstances of Qu Yuan. This was because the history, era, and situation of the two are similar, even though Qu Yuan and Wang Fuzhi are in different times.

王夫之의 시가와 음악의 화해 미학

조성천,김관수 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.90

Wang Fuzhi (王夫之)’s theory of harmony between poetry and music, is the emphasis on harmony between poetry, music and unification. This theory is significant in the history of ancient Chinese poetry. Chinese poetry was originally composed with music. After the Han dynasty, the Yue Fu approach lost its influence and poems had only lyrics and no musical melodies and tunes. Later poets tried to revive the beauty of music through the changes in rhythm, the rhymes of poetic alphabet, and the weight & heavy and clear voiceless & voiced sound of the consonant. This led to the emergence of the Sound Theory in the 永明 Period. However, although the Sound Theory in the 永明 Period contributed to the formation of Metric poetry, it flowed into formalism by overly devising prosody. As a result, the poetry’s life was neglected in the expression of emotion. Wang Fuzhi (王夫之)’s theory of sound and emotion is the opposite of the Sound Theory of the 永明 Period. In the Tang dynasty, various methods were found to overcome the Sound Theory of the 永明 Period to seek the beauty of music, a so-called combination and contrast. But from the point of view of the art in Wang Fuzhi (王夫之)’s theory of “Being mild in the ear and being glad in the heart”, this was nothing more than a death kneel. In the Song dynasty, in pursuit of learning reason and prose, poetry disregarded the poetry’s life; Revitalization, Emotions, Music etc. Wang Fuzhi (王夫之) criticized and denied this writing trend. The Restoration Party of the Ming dynasty advocated various kinds of poetic laws and rules to overcome the weakness of the Song dynasty, but it did not advocate the harmony of poetry and music. In the change of ancient poetry, Wang Fuzhi (王 夫之) raised the theory of harmony between poetry and music and emphasized the importance of theory of sound and emotion. It overcame the separation of poetry and music and emphasized the reconciliation of the two. This was meant to restore the poetry’s true artistic life and spirit. Wang Fuzhi (王夫之) believed that when poetry and music are combined into the art of harmony , they act to change the customs of society and to stabilize the world. This is the educational effect of poetry and the educational effect of music. Therefore, he stressed that all emotions and expressions in poetry and music should be consistent with neutralization. His emphasis on poetry and music included standards, mild and dilute. Music with such feelings and styles were ancient classic music or moral sound. He thought that with faithful emotion, standard music could put people who were not safe and right on the right track and could also allow people who were safe and right to embrace the golden mean and a peaceful state of mind. The opposite way of feeling and expression is excessive emotion and excessive sound, which results in expressing and producing excessive emotions without the control or restriction of reason. Excess, disorder, violence, and extremes are all out of the neutral state. All of these emotions and expressions confuse the audience’s psychological state, eliminating the pleasure of peace. Therefore, he emphasized emotion and expression with neutralization in poetry and music. Using the harmony of sound and emotion in the criticism of poetry and art, Wang (王夫之) made it an important concept of poetry and art criticism and has also given it modern values and significance. Modern aesthetics hermeneutics emphasizes the high degree of unification of the two in relation to the aesthetic effects of the art form and the meaning the writer intends to express. Wang Fuzhi (王夫之)’s theory of sound and emotion is the ancestor of modern hermeneutics. Recent Chinese classical poetry education puts emphasis on the teaching of sound and emotion. It is a method of teaching that makes sound and emotion remarkable through blending poetry, music, and dance into melody, enhancing the aesth...

왕부지와 정약용 철학에 나타난 본성론 문제

이철승 동양철학연구회 2021 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.108 No.-

Wang Fuzhi and Jeong Yakyong are the successors of Mencius’s theory of Human Nature as Goodness(性善說). Wang Fuzhi sees it from the perspective of Goodness of Qi and Goodness of Li(氣善‧理善). Jeong Yakyong argues for the theory of Human Nature as Moral Inclination(性嗜好說) of like goodness and hate evil(好善惡惡). This is distinguished different from the Neo-confucianism’s theory of Human Nature as Goodness based on the Qi’s Goodness and evil(有善有惡) and Goodness of Li. Wang Fuzhi and Jeong Yakyong think that the human nature is not a metaphysical and immutable substance which exceeds the time and space but the human’s unique characteristics which should be realized in our daily life. In addition, they do not limit the Four Beginnings(四端) to the ethical emotion as Neo-Confucianist did but consider it as the human nature of the moral mind(道心). But they have different opinions from each other on the ground of non goodness(不善). Jeong Yakyong considered the biological mind(人心) as the ground of non goodness while Wang Fuzhi do not consider the biological mind and the moral mind as contradictory concepts but the organic combination and consider the situation which is not in compliance with the right place(位) as the ground of non goodness. This shows that Wang Fuzhi considered the biological thing and ethical thing not as a contradictory relation but as an organic relation while Jeong Yakyong differentiates the Spiritual Awakening(靈知) aspects from instinctive body(形軀) aspects to consider the Spiritual Awakening thing more critical. Wang Fuzhi expressed the theory of Human Nature as Goodness from the perspective of organic combination of body and mind based on the theory of practice original appearance(踐形) while Jeong Yakyong expressed the theory of Human Nature as Moral Inclination from the perspective of moral body(大體) in the midst of physical body and physical body(小體). As such, Wang Fuzhi’s theory of Human Nature as Goodness expanded the scope of human nature as it unified the biological stuff with ethical stuff while Jeong Yakyong considered the ethical stuff only within the scope of human nature, thus specializing the human’s identity. 왕부지와 정약용은 맹자의 성선설을 계승한다. 왕부지는 기선‧리선(氣善‧理善)의 관점이고, 정약용은 호선오악(好善惡惡)의 성기호설(性嗜好說)을 주장한다. 이는 기의 유선유악(有善有惡)과 리선(理善)에 근거한 성리학자들의 성선설과 구별된다. 왕부지와 정약용은 본성을 시공을 초월하는 형이상학적인 불변의 실체가 아니라, 끊임없이 변화하는 구체적인 현실에서 날마다 구현해야 하는 인간의 고유한 특성으로 생각한다. 또한 그들은 4단에 대해, 성리학자들처럼 도덕감정의 영역에만 국한시키기지 않고, 도심(道心)에 해당하는 본성으로 여긴다. 그러나 그들은 불선(不善)의 근거에 대해 견해를 달리 한다. 정약용은 인심(人心)을 불선의 근거로 여기지만, 왕부지는 인심과 도심을 대립의 관계가 아니라 유기적인 결합의 관계로 여기고, 제자리(位)에 부합하지 않는 상황을 불선의 근거로 여긴다. 이는 왕부지가 생물학적인 면과 도덕적인 면을 대립의 관계가 아니라 유기적인 관계로 설정한 것과 달리, 정약용은 도덕적인 영지(靈知)의 측면과 본능적인 형구(形軀)의 측면을 구별하며 영지의 기호를 중요하게 생각하는 것이다. 곧 왕부지는 맹자의 천형(踐形)론에 근거하여 몸과 정신의 유기적인 결합의 관점에서 성선설을 펼쳤고, 정약용은 맹자의 대체(大體)와 소체(小體) 가운데 대체의 관점에서 성기호설을 펼쳤다. 이처럼 왕부지의 성선설은 생물학적인 면과 도덕적인 면을 통일시킨 면에서 본성의 범주를 확장했고, 정약용은 도덕적인 면만을 본성의 영역에 해당시킴으로써 인간의 정체성을 특화시켰다.

왕부지 역학에서 반관(反觀)의 의미 ― 로고테라피와 비블리오테라피의 관점에서 ―

석미현 전북대학교 인문학연구소 2019 건지인문학 Vol.0 No.25

This paper examines how Wang Fuzhi chose a type of life to pursue based on ≪Zhouyi(周易)≫ to overcome the chaos during the late Ming dynasty and beginning of Qing dynasty, by comparing and examining the theories logotherapy and bibliotherapy. First of all, Wang Fuzhi emphasized that FanGuan should precede to explore the meanings of a life. FanGuan literally refers to reflecting back on oneself. He transferred his own inner side and life to ≪Zhouyi≫ for FanGuan and introspection. His interpretation of ≪Zhouyi≫ via FanGuan can be explained by bibliotherapy theories such as “Verisimilitude” and “Defamiliarization”. Moreover, as existential analysis is the first step for logotherapy, FanGuan is similar in a sense that it is also the basic step to live a life realizing righteousness(義). Wang Fuzhi chose to live a life as a Confucianist who goes into seclusion and studies scriptures through FanGuan. He had a sense of duty that he should make himself useful when the wise king appeared and enlighten the world through studying the scriptures. He abandoned personal interests to pursue public interests and he found the meanings of life aligned with the value of righteousness. Frankl and Wang Fuzhi had similarities since Frankl also determined the meanings of life based on morality and pursued a moral life. However, in terms of Wang Fuzhi’s Qi Philosophy, his meanings of life are not limited to pursuing an private life of righteousness. His intention reaches qualitative improvement of the universe and realization of a better world. In this paper, I approach it as an interpretation of Wang Fuzhi regarding the great spirit(浩然 之氣). Lastly, Wang Fuzhi stated that pursuing only righteousness does not lead to the life of righteousness. He perceived “Desire” as the driving force, and the desire of human beings that can be directed toward the moral consciousness and the humanistic ideals. This is comparable to “will to meaning” which is the essence of logotherapy.

王夫之的六朝文學觀

徐寶余 ( Xu¸ Baoyu ) 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.107

Wang Fuzhi’s(王夫之) comments on the literature of the Six Dynasties have extremely important value in the history of poetry. Before Wang Fuzhi, no scholar had fully affirmed and praised the literature of the Six Dynasties like him. This is mainly because his conclusion was based on the selection of poetry in the past. This is different from the generalization of those general commentators. Wang Fuzhi’s affirmation of Six Dynasties literature is mainly reflected in six aspects. First, he refuted the theory of “rise from decline”(起衰論). In his opinion, the Song’s theory of “rise from decline”(起衰論) was wrong. Compared with the Tang Dynasty, the literature of the Six Dynasties was not a decline. The poetry of the Six Dynasties inherited the Zhou-Han(周漢) and opened the Tang Dynasty. The Six Dynasties should not be regarded as a decline. Second, the poems of the Six Dynasties preceded the poems of the Tang Dynasty. The most mature modern-style poems in the Tang Dynasty originated in the Six Dynasties; Tang poetry often drew nourishment from the Six Dynasties poems, and most of fine verses came from the Six Dynasties. In terms of subject matter, technique, structure, rhyme, and words, they were all influenced by the Six Dynasties literature. Fourth, there are differences in the literature of the Six Dynasties. Wang Fuzhi divided it into three stages: Jin-Song(晉宋), Qi-Liang(齊梁), and Chen-Sui(陳隋). In general, it was the highest in the Jin-Song dynasties. However, even so, he did not deny Qi-Liang or Chen-Sui completely. Fifth, Wang Fuzhi also had a unique understanding of the poetic styles of the Six Dynasties. For example, he respected the Five-character poem of Jin-Song Dynasties, and believed that the Four-character poem of Shen Yue(沈約) were the best, and Xiao Yi(蕭繹) Seven-character quatrain was the vowel of the past dynasties. Sixth, it has pioneering and exemplary significance in the discussion of situational affair. The aspects of sentiment and scenery, matter and emotion, reason and poetry fully embodied his dialectical concept, which neither negated the scenery, matter, and reason in poetry, but also took care of emotion and essence.

Wang Fuzhi’s Explain on Time and Place in Qian Divanation -Focusing on His Zhouyi Waizhuan

( Zhang Xuezhi ) 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 2011 儒敎文化硏究(中文版) Vol.0 No.15

王夫之主張會通六爻而觀一卦, 會通潛、見、躍、飛而觀龍德, 乾之剛健純粹之德在變化異用上顯現出來。對“潛龍勿用”的發揮, 王夫之着眼于事物由幼弱到壯盛再到衰老的進展過程中, 幼弱期的潛能養成、力量聚積。對“見龍在田”, 則側重于統治者鬚親近百姓, 與百姓打成一片, 不潔身自好, 不孤芳自賞, 極高明而道中庸。對“或躍在淵”、“飛龍在天”、“亢龍有悔”的發揮, 唯在具先見之明, 善于應對而消災禍。九三處“見龍在田”之上、“飛龍在天”之下, 爲有余、不足之抉擇關頭。欲達无過、不及之中道, 則唯有通過修養而适道。王夫之在以上闡釋中, 引發了許多關于明代史實的議論, 幷根据乾卦義理進行了深刻發揮。王夫之對乾卦的闡釋發揮, 是他總結明亡敎訓, 重建中國文化理想的鮮明表達。 In Wang Fuzhi advocate that understand the meaning of virtue of dragon through synthesizing six yao of latency, appear, jump, fly. character of vigorous and purity of dragon express itself in diversified apply. On the annotation of “Do not use dragon latent”, wang with an eye to develop potential and amass force in the period of weakness. On the annotation of “Dragon in the field”, wang’s emphases is that dominator mast hobnob with common people, no remote from the average citizen. On the annotation of “dragon spring out of abysm”, “dragon fly in the sky”, “exorbitant dragon is regret”, wang stress that have foreknowledge to avoid adversity. On the annotation of “gentleman mast be vigorous and guard”, wang have pivotal choice in mind that no overrun neither scarcity, and achieve the gentleman’s standard through moral culture. In the above interpretation, Wang bring forward a lot of historic event, and demonstrate profoundly according as principle in the qian. This interpretation is clear expression of Wang’s desire that sum up the lesson in perdition of Ming dynasty and rebuilding of Chinese culture. [Article in Chinese]

王夫之≪薑齋文集·九昭≫ 역해(3)

趙成千 ( Cho¸ Sungchun ) 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.106

WangFuzhi’s JiangZhaiWenJi(薑齋文集)·JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which was completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated Qu Yuan(屈原)’s ChuCi and wrote this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明) is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan, Wang Fuzhi expressed his emotions in him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi&ChuCiTongShi. This study conducts research on the translation and annotation of “DangFen(蕩愤)”, “DaoJie(悼孑)” in JiuZhao. “DangFen” is about washing away Qu Yuan’s anger. At first, Qu Yuan tried to unite with Qi(齊)to battle against Qin(秦), but the plan was restrained by ZhangYi(張仪) and JinShang(靳尚). The Furious had been accumulated, but there was no way to solve it. Even after being expelled, Qu Yuan couldn’t forget to fail to avenge the enemy and to fulfill his will. Therefore, this sentence envisioned conquering Jin and expanding the territory to the Jing River(泾水) & the Wei River(渭水) and thought of fulfilling Qu Yuan’s will and washing away his anger. “DaoJie” mourned that there had been no one to assist with the king, and although he was expelled, expressed the love for the country that he still felt sympathy for him and wanted to take care of him. These two sentences represented Wang Fuzhi’s heart regarding the historical situation in the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty and the court reality of the government of Nanming. This is because the history, times, and circumstances of the two people were similar even though the times of Qu Yuan and Wang Fuzhi were different. Wang Fuzhi highly implied and symbolized his emotions through myth, allusion and metaphor. it is the literary characteristics of the two works and is also attributed to the historical environment of the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty.

왕부지의 공간으로 中國인식과 주변 종족의 漢化

이춘복(Chun-bok, Lee) 중앙대학교 문화콘텐츠기술연구원 2014 다문화콘텐츠연구 Vol.0 No.16

본고는 왕부지가 사용한 塞內?塞外?九州?中區?中國 등의 용어를 구체적 지명?지형이라는 공간적 범주를 검토하여, 王이 인식하고 있는 공간적 범주로서 중국인식, 그리고 공간적 중국범주 속 夷狄에 대한 漢化?敎化정책에 대한 그의 주장을 짚어보았다. 연구결과 漢代부터 명말청초에 이르기까지의 한족 지식인들에게 있어 中國?華夏?九州로 표현되는 공간으로서의 중국은 화이관의 중요한 척도로 작용했음을 확인하였다. 그 공간적 범주를 대략적으로 살펴보면 북쪽의 경계선은 만리장성과 일치하고, 남쪽의 경계선은 광동성과 광서성, 서쪽의 경계선은 섬서성과 감숙성의 서쪽지역과 근접한 것이라 할 수 있다. 왕부지는 공간으로서의 중국이라는 범주를 이전시기의 누구보다 가장 선명하게 인식했음을 확인하였다. 특히 ??황서??에서 사용한 中區라는 개념은 九州?塞內?中國이라는 용어라든지 江統이 徙戎論에서 중국의 공간범주를 언급한것보다 동서남북의 경계선이 되는 지역?하천?산 등 지형지물을 구체적이고 상세하게 거론하고 있다는 점, 그리고 중화와 이적의 공간상의 차이에서 비롯되는 풍속과 종족 등의 차이점을 동서남북의 지역에 따라 구분하여 기술하고 있다는 점은 왕부지만이 가지는 독특한 견해이다. 한편, 왕부지는 공간으로서의 중국 안에 거주했던 先秦시대의 이적들에 대해서는 秦漢이후의 중국 주변 종족들에 대해 적대적?배타적 입장을 표명한것과 다르게 포용정책을 주장했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 포용정책의 대상은 先秦시대에는 夷狄으로 분류되었으나 秦漢이후 공간으로서의 중국 범주 내에 거주한 종족들로 예컨대 秦?楚와 ??春秋??에 등장하는 赤白狄?淮夷?戎蠻?陸渾?姜戎?島夷등 종족, 그리고 苗族과 ?族등이 포함된다. 왕부지는 이들 종족들을 詩?書?禮?樂 등 유가교육으로 교화시켜, 忠孝?廉節?文章?政事에 능통한 漢化된 인재를 양성할 것을 주장하고 있다. This study reviewed the spatial category of place name and detailed geographic features with terminologies such as frontier within(塞內), other frontier(塞外), Jiuzhou(九州, a poetic name for China), central districts(中區), and China(中國) used by Wang Fuzhi. Then, the study considered the recognition of China as a spatial category recognized by Wang, and his insistence regarding assimilation toward the Sinicization and edification policies for Yidi(夷狄) within the spatial Chinese category. As a result of the research, it was confirmed that China served as an important scale for a China centric view as a space expressed as China(中國), China-centeredness(華夏), and Jiuzhou(a poetic name for China) to intellectuals of the Hanzu(漢族) beginning from the Han dynasty to the late Ming dynasty and early Qing dynasty. In reviewing roughly its spatial category, the border line of the north matches the Great Wall of China and the border line of the south may be proximate to Guangdong and Guangxi, while the border line of the west may be proximate to the western region of Shenxisheng and Gansusheng. Wang Fuzhi was confirmed to recognize the category of China as a space more clearly than anyone else in the previous period. In particular, it is the unique view of Wang Fuzhi that the concept of central districts used in “HuangShu(黃書)” mentioned terminologies such as central districts, Jiuzhou, frontier within, and China as well as geographic features such as regions, rivers, and mountains that become the border line of the east, west, south, and north in a concrete and detailed manner rather than mentioning the spatial category of China as in the migration theory by Jiang Tong(江統); and differences in custom and ethnics caused by difference in the spaces of Sinocentrism and Yidi were classified and described in accordance with the regions in the east, west, south, and north. Meanwhile, it was confirmed that during the pre-Qin(先秦) period Wang Fuzhi had insisted on an engagement policy for the Yidi, who had resided as a space in China. In contrast, he expressed hostile and exclusive positions toward the surrounding ethnics in China after the Qin and Han times. The target subjected to this embracing policy was classified as Yidi during the pre-Qin period; however, after the pre-Qin period, it included ethnics who resided in the Chinese category as a space, namely Chibaidi(赤白狄), Huaiyi(淮夷), rongman(戎蠻),luhun(陸渾), Jiangrong(姜戎), and Daoyi(島夷) who appear during Qin(秦) and Chu(楚) as well as in the “Spring and Autumn Annals” and ethnics involving Miaozu(苗族), and Yaozu(?族). Wang Fuzhi asserted that these ethnics should be edified with Confucian school education such as shijing(classic of poetry), shujing(Book of Documents), lijing(Book of Rites), yuejing(The Classic of Music), and talented people who are proficient in loyalty, chastity, literary works, and political affairs and may become assimilated to be Hanzu should be developed.