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- 저자 : 李相軾 (검색결과 469 건)
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李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1986 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.22 No.1
The most required things in politics are stability, integration and development. But this requirement can not be fulfilled without an conduit of political participation. Here it is needed to contrive some certain political devices that can accomodate the sound desire for political participation, and on the other hand, that can make it possible to prevent the structure-destructive activities such as vehement demonstrations, violences, assassinations and revolutions that might be caused by the reason of political unrest. Viewing from the fact that the history of Koran politics has been on a vicious circle of many blustered events, there is no doubt that the true change of political power can come on the foundation of the matured political participation. Many problems lis in many aspects. In the Korean power structure in which the Administration has had superiority, the National Assembly was doomed to be no more than a supporting organization that acted mostly to beautify the power exercise of the Administration. And the elections in the past in Korea in many cases, were accepted as being nothing but the political ceremonies or formalities required to provide the nominal legitimacy for the ruling powers, and therefore, in the consequence of which there have been always fairly lots of aftermath conflicts over the fairness. the political parties in kores, on the other side, were still not properly institutionalized; The ruling party has been customarilly too much solidified, lacking its self-control. And the opposition parties, in turn, have been more openly exposing the partisanship in the midst of their too many split fractions. Further to the above situation, Korea interest groups have been in the position hardly to speak positively for their constituent members, and so thus failed to accomodate the ir members' aspiration, because they were organized not spontaneously but under the auspices of government. To add to this, since 1960's most of the modernization programs have been designed and propelled under the initiative of the Administration, therefore, those interest groups were consequently influenced much more by the factors of political power rather than by those of industrialization. So quite inevitably there have been conflicts and confrontations between the growing deisre for political participation and the regulative nature of political power. However, Korea is now making efforts to seek a prescription for the political problem, Discussions about reforming the political structure are going on. But, to be sure, the stability of Korean politics can be obtained when the new structure can properly correspond to the politically advanced desire of Korean people.
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방송과 통신의 융합에 대비한 규제 기구의 국가간 비교 연구
이상식 한국정보화진흥원 2002 정보화정책 Vol.9 No.2
This Study aims to analyse current requlatory bodies and their changes, thereafter to draw policy implications to prepare for the convergence between broadcasting and telecommunication. An theoretical freamework was constructed by combining possibilities of government and commission in its framework was constructed by combining possibilities of government and commission in its form. According to the four types, USA, Japan, teh Great Britain, France, Germany and Korea were examined. As results of the analysis, a general pattern to unify current regulatory bodies emerged in USA, Japan and the Great Britain. A special pattern was found in the cases of Fance and Germany. Korea belongs to the type of separated regulatory ssytem between broadcasting and telecommunication like the Great Britain, France and Germany. With regards to regulatory system, many structural similarities existed between Korea and the Great Britain than any other countries. It was strongly suggested to compare both countries in detail for further research. In its concluding section, this paper suggested that an unitary organization integrating policy and regulation authorities in broadcating, telecommunication, information, and internet should be considered seriously in the long term. It is recommended that the new agency with a type of commission should be independent from governmental pressure to protect the freedom of press. 본 연구의 목적은 방송과 통신의 융합에 대비하여, 규제 기구가 어떻게 변모하고 있는지를 국가 비교론적 차원에서 분석한 후, 국내 규제 기구의 재 구조화를 위한 정책적 시사점을 모색하는데 있다. 정부와 규제위원회의 통합 가능성들을 이론적으로 조합하여 분석의 틀을 만들고, 규제 기구 체계의 유형에 따라서, 미국, 일본, 영국, 프랑스, 독일, 그리고 우리 나라의 현행 규제 기구와, 변화를 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 미국, 일본, 영국에서 방송과 통신의 융합에 따라 규제 기구를 통합하는 '보편적 특성'이 발견되었다. 프랑스와 독일은 나름대로 처해진 상황에서 방송과 통신의 융합에 대처하려는 '특수성'을 보이고 있었다. 국내 정책과 규제 기구들을 분석한 결과, 영국, 프랑스, 독일이 포함되어 있는 정부 부처 분리와 규제 위원회 분리 유형에 포함되었다. 현행 규제 기구 체계와 변화 방향이 영국과 매우 유사한 것으로 나타나, 앞으로 OFCOM의 설립 과정에 대한 연구와 양국의 사례를 보다 심층적으로 비교하기 위한 후속 연구의 필요성이 강하게 제기되었다. 선진국들의 변화 동향을 고려하고, 국내 규제 기구의 분산에 따른 문제점을 분석한 결과, 분산된 정책 및 규제 기구들을 통합하는 것이 필요하다는 결론에 이르렀다. 문화관광부는 영상산업진흥정책을, 정보통신부는 기술 기반 정책 기능을 담당하고, 신설될 방송통신위원회는 정부의 여타 정책과 현행 방송위워노히, 정보통신윤리위원회, 통신위원회의 정책 및 규제 기능들을 흡수할 것을 제안하였다. 언론의 자유를 보장하기 위해 방송통신위원회는 독립위원회의 형태를 권고하였다.
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李相軾 釜山敎育大學 1982 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.18 No.1
The Soviet Union is totalitarian ideological state. The principal characteristics of totalitarian ideology are as follows; (1) it embraces all phases of human though, feeling, and action (2) it allows no rivel set beliefs or values (3) it oversimplifies human problems and their solution by reducing them to accord with a single, monolithic principle-that of "class" in the case of Communism. Totalitarian ideology goes well beyond politics and economics and seeks to achieve an authority over all of man's life and rhought. Thus the doctrine of Maxism-Leninism, as put forth by the current "party line". extends into all areas of human activity and understanding. Communist permits only one dominant party. That is Communist party. One of the chief instruments of the one-party system is propaganda. Whether the Soviet Citizen opens a newspaper, listens to the radio, or watches television, he sees and hears only what the Communist party wants him to hear. In the Soviet union, the mass media have continued to be carefully controlled by the state, in order to ensure that publicity is not used to mobilize a public Constituency against the fundamentals of regime policy. The government office has the right to exercise Consorship before and after publication and forbid the publication or dissemination of writings, photographs, radio scrps, and so forth, and so, mass media is not only a collective propagandist and collective agitator, but also a collective organizer. Consequently we can not find out public opinion but only mass persuasion in the Soviet Union.
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