高句麗 遺民 高提昔 墓誌銘에 대한 연구

Kim, Young-Kwan(金榮官) 백산학회 2013 白山學報 Vol.- No.97

이 논문은 고구려 유민 高提昔 墓誌銘의 내용을 검토한 것이다. 그 결과 문헌에서는 찾을 수 없는 새로운 고구려인의 삶에 대해 알 수 있었고, 고구려 말기의 시대적 상황에 대해서도 살펴볼 수 있었다. 고제석은 649년에 태어나 674년에 26세를 일기로 짧은 생을 마감한 고구려 유민이었다. 그의 선조는 증조부 高伏仁이 水境城 道使와 遼東城 大首領을 지내는 등 고구려의 유력한 귀족 출신이었다. 그러나 645년에 조부 高支于가 당군에 투항하였고, 이후 당에 들어가 관리가 되었다. 부친인 高文恊은 당의 수도 장안성 부근의 高陵府에서 무장으로 활약하였다. 고제석은 국내성 출신임을 내세웠지만, 실제로 당에서 태어나고 자랐다. 그리고 고구려 멸망 후 당으로 이주하여 무장으로 활동하던 고구려 출신의 泉氏 가문으로 시집을 가 장안에서 살았다. 한편, 고구려가 이미 멸망한 뒤인 674년에 작성된 묘지명에 고구려 國內城 출신임을 내세웠다든지, 고구려 출신 泉氏 가문과 혼인 관계를 맺는 것을 보면, 선조가 당에 투항한 것은 자의적인 것이 아니라는 점을 드러내고자 한 것으로 보인다. 이는 고구려 말기 당과의 치열한 공방전 과정에서 운명이 엇갈린 고구려 지배층의 동향을 이해하는 단서가 된다. 묘지명에 기록된 수경성, 요동성 등의 지명과 道使, 大相, 大首領과 같은 관직명 등은 고구려사 이해를 북돋우는 실증적인 자료이고, 국내성을 출신지로 내세우는 고씨 가문의 존재는 고구려 말기 귀족집단의 세력기반을 이해하는데 유용한 사례이다. This paper introduces the epitaph tablet of Gojeseok(高提昔), one of the former Goguryo people(37 B.C.E.∼668 C.E.). This epitaph reveals the life of the Goguryo people, who have not been known from historical documents, and gives a brief understanding on the historical circumstance in the late Goguryo period. Gojeseok, a daughter of one of the former Goguryo people, lived a short life having been born in 649 and died in 674 C.E. She was actually born in Tang China and had grown up there, even though it is written on the epitaph that she was from the walled city Guknae(Guknaeseong, 國內城), today's Ji'an(集安) in the Jilin province (吉林省), China, capital of the early Goguryo. She married a man of the Cheon clan(泉氏), which was also originally from Goguryo, but worked as a military official after moving to Tang(唐) upon the fall of Goguryo, and lived in Chang'an(長安). Her ancestor was a member of the influential high class of Goguryo. For example, her great grandfather, Gobogin(高伏仁), was Dosa(道使) of the walled city Sugyeong(Sugyeongseong, 水境城), and Great Suryeong(大首領) of the walled city Yodong(Yodongseong, 遼東城). When Tang emperor Taizong(太宗, 599-649 C.E.) invaded Goguryo in person, Gojiwoo(高支于), grandfather of Gojeseok, surrendered to the Tang military, moved to Tang China and served as a Tang official there. Her father Gomunhyeop(高文恊) served as a military of official in Gaoling(高陵) prefecture near Chang'an, today's Xi'an(西安). These accounts about her ancestors present the fact that the Go clan fled from Goguryo into Tang China. Even though this epitaph was made in 674 C.E. after Goguryo fell, it records that Jeseok was from Guknaeseong. Furthermore, she married into the Cheon clan, which was originally from Goguryo. These facts seem to be written in order to emphasize that her ancestor's surrender to Tang was not their own intention. This circumstance can be a clue, which allows us to understand Goguryo upper class while they fought with the Tang in the late Goguryo period. Place names such as Sugyeongseong and Yodongseong, and official titles such as Dosa, Daesang, and Daesuryeong documented on the epitaph could be factual data that help understand the history of Goguryo ; the presence of Go clan, which declared they were from Guknaeseong. This should provide useful data through which we can understand the background of high classes in the late Goguryo Kingdom.

慕洛山城을 통해 본 百濟時代의 儀旺

金榮官(Kim, Young-Kwan) 백산학회 2005 白山學報 Vol.- No.73

The Morak mountain castle of Uiwang was a geographical key place located on the passage: linking the capital of the Baekje Period, Hanseong on the basin of the Han River, and the southern-central region of the current Gyeonggi Province and the west coastal one. The above-the-sea level of Morak Mt. where the Morak mountain castle is located is not high, but the mountain is a place to control and aid its circumference and it is also an advantageous location for playing a role as a strategic central point and regional control base convenient for the control of its neighboring locations, commanding a good view-the basin of the Han River to the north, the basin of the Anyang Stream to the west, and Suwon Region to the south. Around the peak of this Morak Mt., the stonework mountain castle was built, and the fact that only relics of the Baekje Period have been excavated in the castle proves that the Morak mountain castle served as a base castle for controling regions of the Baekje Period. Although it isn’t indicated in the historical records such as 『Samguksagi』, given the topography of its neighborhood and excavation status of relics, the Morak mountain castle is presumed to have played a important part as a controling base surrounding many regions within its circumference in the Baekje Period before a governmental base of Goguryeo’s Yulmokgun or Shilla’s Yuljingun was constructed. This can be known, by referring to and guessing records including 『Goryeosa』 in which the base of government of Goguryeo’s Yulmokgun or Shilla’s Yuljingun lies in the current Gwacheon region, that, in the Baekje Period, there wasn’t any other region better than the Morak mountain castle of Uiwang as a central point of the Gwacheon region. In other words, it is judged that, in the Baekje Period, the Morak mountain castle was been a controlling central place of the Han River and the southern part of Mt. Kwanak, the current Gwacheon and Anyang regions. By the way, the fact that the relics of the Baekje Period only have been unearthed in the Morak mountain castle seems to outline the reason that, after Goguryeo occupied the basin of the Han River, the castle was presumed to have been deserted with the loss of its function as a regional control point, and the time is thought to be (A.D. 525) circa the 22nd year under King Seong’s reign of the Baekje Dynasty. After Goguryeo occupied the basin of the Han River in 529, it is judged that the Morak mountain castle’s function taking charging of a regional controlling base was transferred to the Hoam mountain castle. Deriving from these historical facts and the Bird foot print type Pottery-the Baekje’s indigenous pottery excavated in the castle-the estimated time of building and utilization of the Morak mountain castle is from the 3rd century to the 6th century: the castle was likely to be used from as early as the 3rd century. In Uiwang Regions, there are few documentary records left and the survey of archaeological ruins and relics is insufficient, and therefore we have not been able to know detailed stories about the era of the Three States-especially Baekje. The Morak mountain castle recently found in Uiwang city, however, is an important relics containing a decisive clue that can restore the old history of Uiwang. The Morak mountain castle and relics excavated from the Morak mountain castle will play a role to restore the old history of Uiwang-especially of Baekje-that have been far away from the historical records and public interests.

義慈王의 押送 過程과 唐에서의 行蹟

金榮官(Kim, Young-Kwan) 백산학회 2009 白山學報 Vol.- No.85

The following is a summary of the details and the process of sending King Uija(義慈王) in custody and trace of him in Tang(唐.) On July 18, 660, King Uija became a prisoner by Tang forces at Ungjin Castle(熊津城) where he had fled to avoid the brunt of Combined Force of Silla-Tang, and was transferred to Sabi Castle(泗沘城). On August 2, after the King of Silla, Kim Chunchu(金春秋), had arrived at Sabi Castle, an official ceremony of surrender took place. King Uija suffered an insult that he had to serve cups of liquor by himself to many generals of Tang including Su Dingfang (蘇定方) right before the eyes of the royal families and subjects of Baekje. Silla tried to execute King Uija, but thanks to the demand by Su Dingfang that he should be offered to Gaozong(高宗) in Tang, he was able to keep his existence. But he had to be transferred to Tang. Su Dingfang established the ruling system over the old territory of Baekje before returning to Tang. And he was waiting for the right time when the typhoon in Yellow Sea(黃海) would go away so that his 1900 ships would be able to sail before the wind to return home safely. On Sep 3, Tang forces that had departed from Sabi with King Uija and prisoners of Baekje went out to the sea quickly by utilizing the ebb tide. And they arrived at Penglai(蓬萊) in Shandong Peninsula across Yellow Sea with the help of the seasonal wind. The returning route of Tang forces was reversing the sailing route to Baekje. In Penglai they moved by land (獯漀渀偢氀 明椀渀椨稀椀) where Gaozong was staying. King Uija arrived at 渀椀偢氀 明椀渀 via Laizhou(萊州), Qingzhou(복州), Zizhou(淄州), Qizhou(齊州), Yunzhou (鄲州), Puzhou(濮州), Huazhou(滑州), and Zhengzhou(鄭州). It took about two months from Sabi to Luoyang. Su Dingfang, after having arrived at Luoyang, offered King Uija and prisoners of wars from Baekje to his emperor at Zetian Gate(則天門) on Nov 1, 660. Though King Uija was scoled by Gaozong on the spot, he was able to avoid the execution and was released immediately thanks to the petition by Su Dingfang. But, because of fatigue from all the way from Sabi to Louyang and fear of execution and anxiety as well as his old age, King Uija suffered from a disease and passed away in a few days. King Uija was buried at Mang Mountain(邙山) in Luoyang while the subjects from Baekje were lamenting his death.

胡瑗의 『周易口義』가 伊川 『易傳』에 준 영향

金榮官(Kim, Young-Kwan) 한국사학사학회 2012 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.25

In the early Song Dynasty following five kings of the end of Ting Dynasty the development of society･economy triggered the opening of the door of thought and the prosperity of culture, and the government promoted social stability and the establishment of the order through the civil-minister centralism. But owing to the prosperity of Buddhism and Taoism Confucianism didn’t construct still its foundation, and many government officials who accomplish the institutional reform were not fostered at schools, depending only on the civil service examination. Notwithstanding this environment, the Confucian scholars of the early Song Dynasty newly launched SongXue(宋學). In the SongXue as Learning of Righteousness & Principle, ZhouYi(周易) where humanistic reason is well expressed together with the Four Books was respected. In the position of YiLiXue(learning of righteousness, 義理學) which emphasized the human relations the scholar who set up ‘Yi’ newly is HuYuan(胡瑗). HuYuan established his own theory about ‘Yi’. He also enhanced the spirit of the scriptures and compiled his explanations, which is ZhouYiKouYi(周易口義). Out of more than 1,700 disciples who received Huyuan’s direct and indirect teachings, the representative disciple who explained ‘Yi’ based on righteousness and succeeded to the teacher's doctrine is the very ‘ChengYi(程頤)’. Unlike the thought of HuYuan who based the righteousness in the center of ‘Yi’, ChengYi introduced a new idea ‘arrangement(理)’ and developed the interpretation method of ‘Yi’ and provided the behavioral norm and existence principle for the order and expanded it to many nobilities later. Based on ‘Yi’ idea shown in HuYuan’s ZhouYiKouYi, ChengYi wrote YiChuan(易傳), and developed the learning succeedingly and completed neo-Confucianism(程朱學). 이 글은 胡瑗과 程頤의 학통 계승 내용을 밝힌 것이다. 송유들은 사회를 안정시키고 上下･尊卑 질서를 확립하고자 이전 六經 중심의 훈고를 비판하며 佛･道의 사상을 받아들여 새로운 유학인 송학을 태동시켰다. 송학에서 가장 중시한 것은 義理이다. 義理之學으로서의 송학에서는 四書와 함께 ‘易’이 새롭게 존숭받기 시작하였다. 의리지학의 입장에서 ‘易’을 새롭게 정립한 자가 胡瑗이다. 호원은 易’ 사상을 기반으로 엄격한 학규를 세워 실천하며 제자를 육성하여 기강을 수립하고 혼란한 사회를 바로 잡으려 하였다. 호원의 의리로서의 ‘易’ 사상은 經書를 존숭하는 마음을 유지시키면서도 가르침과 다스림을 강조한 『周易口義』에 잘 나타나 있다. 호원의 직･간접적 가르침을 받은 제자 가운데 의리를 근본으로 ‘易’을 설명하며 스승의 학설을 계승한 대표적 제자가 바로 程頤이다. 程頤는 胡瑗의 ‘易’ 사상을 토대로 송학을 발전시켜 정주학으로 완성하였다. 송학과 정주학 형성의 근거가 된 호원의 『周易口義』와 程頤의 『易傳』의 비교 분석을 통해 영향을 준 내용을 확인해 보았다.

古代 淸州地域의 歷史的 動向

金榮官(Kim, Young-kwan) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.82

This essay is about the process of Baekje, Goguryo, and Silla having advanced to Cheongju area. Baekje first occupied Cheongju area among the Three Kingdoms. As the forming period of Baekje historical remains, the ancient tombs in Sinbongdong etc., has the lowest limit in the middle of sixth century, Cheongju was Baekje’s territory in the beginning of the period of Sabi(泗). The place name of Cheongju area in the period of Baekje was Nangbiseong. At the end of fifth century, Goguryo advanced to the northern and the eastern parts of Cheongju. Though Goguryo armies advanced to the southern part of Cheongju around A.D 529, they were not able to occupy it because of Miho river(美湖川) and around its defensive castles. In the end of fifth century, Silla also advanced to the southern and the eastern parts of Cheongju and encountered Goguryo, but Silla didn’t occupy it, either. After the end of fifth century, although Cheongju was still a territory of Baekje, it was a triangled area that Goguryo, Baekje, and Silla confronted one another in. After Silla won the victory at the battle of Dosal castle(道薩城) in 649, it occupied Cheongju. Silla that had destroyed Goguryo and Baekje established new systems of regional administration efficiently to rule the enlarged territory, and Minor Capital was established in Cheongju area. The place where Minor Capital was established is now the eastern and the western parts of Musim river(無心川), the back area of Uam mountain castle(牛岩山城) in the east and Bumo mountain castle(父母山城) in the west. 4 years after Seowon Minor Capital was establish, Seowon Minor Capital castle was constructed in 689. This means that the stronghold castle of Cheongju was moved from Bumo mountain castle to newly constructed Seowon Minor Capital castle. The place of newly constructed Seowon Minor Capital castle is convinced of Sandang mountain castle(上黨山城) that was constructed in the east of Cheongju.

고구려의 청주지역 진출 시기

金榮官(Kim Young-Kwan) 한국고대학회 2006 先史와 古代 Vol.25 No.-

  청주지역은 삼국시대에 백제와 신라가 영향력을 행사한 지역이었다는 것은 의심의 여지가 없다. 먼저 삼국시대 전기에는 백제가 청주지역을 차지하여 지방통치의 중심지로 활용했고, 신라는 5세기 말 이후에 청주 인근의 문의지역까지 진출했다. 백제와 신라가 청주지역에 진출한 사실은 각종 문헌 기록과 청주와 인근지역에서 조사된 고분과 성곽 등의 유적을 통해 확인된다.<BR>  최근 청주지역에서 고구려와 관련된 유적과 유물이 조사되어 고구려세력도 어느 시기엔가 진출했었다는 사실을 알려주고 있다. 청주인근에서 조사된 고구려 유적과 유물로는 청원 남성골 산성, 진천 대모산성, 대전 월평동 산성과 같은 관방유적과 그 곳에서 출토된 고구려식 토기와 귀걸이, 진천 회죽리와 청원 상봉리 출토 고구려식 귀걸이가 있다. 그러나 고구려유물의 출토지가 지금의 청주시계와 일정한 거리가 있고, 청원 남성골 산성유적을 제외하면 모두 단편적인 유물만 출토되고 있다는 점에서는 문제가 있다. 이는 고구려가 청주지역에 대한 점령과 같은 직접적이고 장기적인 영향력을 끼칠 기회가 없었다는 사실을 반증하는 것이다.<BR>  청주 인근에서 조사된 고구려유적과 유물에 대한 편년은 고구려세력이 청주지역에 진출한 시기를 가늠하는 중요한 지표이다. 최근까지 청주지역 고구려유적과 유물은 475년부터 551년 사이에 고구려가 청주지역을 점령하던 시기의 것으로 보아왔다. 이는 475년에 장수왕이 백제 수도 한성을 함락하고 그 여세를 몰아 금강 상류지역까지 진출했을 것이라 간주하고, 551년 백제와 신라 연합군의 공격으로 한강유역을 내줄 때까지 이 지역을 지배하였을 것이라는 선입견에 토대를 둔 것이다. 그러나 475년 고구려의 한강유역 진출과 백제가 수도를 공주로 옮긴 이후에 일어난 고구려와 백제의 전쟁기사를 살펴보면 백제는 475년 이후에도 한강유역에 대한 지배권을 잃지 않았다는 것을 알 수 있다. 백제와 고구려와의 전쟁이 한강유역에서 계속되었던 것이다. 그렇기 때문에 475년 이후 고구려가 한강유역을 점령하고 경기남부지역을 거쳐 금강 상류지역으로 진출하였다고 보는 것은 잘못된 인식이다.<BR>  다만 고구려가 한강유역을 다시 점령한 것은 529년 안장왕대에 백제 성왕이 국운을 기울인 총공세를 펼쳐 고구려를 공격하다가 오곡전투에서 패한 이후이다. 오곡전투의 패배로 백제는 한강유역을 상실하였고 고구려군은 경기 남부를 거쳐 금강 상류까지 진출하였던 것이다. 즉 고구려군이 청주지역으로 진출한 시기는 529년 이후의 일이다. 따라서 청주와 인근 지역의 고구려유적과 유물의 편년도 529년 이후가 될 것이다. 필자의 이러한 주장은 기존의 고고학적 편년을 수정할 필요성을 강조한 것으로 앞으로 더 많은 유적과 유물의 조사 결과에 따라 증명되어질 수 있을 것이다.   There is no doubt that the Cheongju Region was an area in which the Baekje Kingdom and the Silla Kingdom exerted great influence during the Three Kingdoms Period. During the first half of the Three Kingdoms Period, the Baekje Kingdom occupied the Cheongju Region, utilizing it as the center of its regional hegemony. On the other hand, the Silla Kingdom advanced into the Munui region in the vicinity of Cheongju after the late 5th century. Various document records and relics such as tombs and fortresses surveyed in Cheongju and nearby areas verify the fact that the Baekje Kingdom and the Silla Kingdom advanced into the Cheongju Region.<BR>  Recently, remains and artifacts related to the Goguryeo Kingdom were surveyed in the Cheongju region, indicating that the Goguryeo military had advanced into this region for some time. Goguryeo remains and artifacts surveyed in the vicinity of Cheongju include remains of fortresses such as Namseonggol Fortress in Cheongwon, Daemosanseong Fortress in Jincheon, and Wolpyeondong Fortress in Daejeon, as well as earthenware and earrings of Goguryeo patterns unearthed in the fortresses and earrings of Goguryeo patterns unearthed in Hoejuk-ri, Jincheon and Sangbong-ri, Cheongwon. However, there are problems in that sites where relics of Goguryeo were uncovered are some distance away from the current Cheongju City districts and that, except for Namseonggol Fortress in Cheongwon, only a limited range of relics was unearthed. This indicates that Goguryeo did not have opportunities to have had a direct and long-term influence in the Cheongju Region, like occupation of the region.<BR>  The chronology on Goguryeo remains and artifacts surveyed in the vicinity of Cheongju is an important indicator to judge the time when the Goguryeo military advanced into the Cheongju region. Until recently, based on remains and artifacts of Goguryeo found in the Cheongju region, it has been considered that the Goguryeo Kingdom had occupied the Cheongju Region between 475 and 551. It is based on the presumption that in 475 King Jangsu took hostage of Hanseong, then capital of the Baekje Kingdom, and boosted by his victory he had advanced into the upper stream of the Geumgang River and that he had ruled the region until 551 when attack by the united forces of Baekje and Silla had been made. However, when articles on Goguryeo"s advancement into the Han River area in 475 and wars between Goguryeo and Baekje after Baekje had relocated its capital to Gongju are examined, it is found that Baekje did not lose control over the Han River even after 475, which indicates that wars between Baekje and Goguryeo had continued in the Han River area. Therefore, it is a misguided assumption that after 475 Goguryeo had occupied the Han River area and advanced into the upper reaches of the Geumgang River via the southern part of Gyeonggi Province.<BR>  Yet, it was after the year 529, when King Seong of Baekje launched an all-out attack against Goguryeo and was defeated in the Ogok Battle, when Goguryeo had reoccupied the Han River area. With its defeat in the Ogok Battle, Baekje had lost the Han River area and Goguryeo had made inroads into the upper reaches of the Geumgang River via southern Gyeonggi Province. In other words, the period when the Goguryeo military had advanced into the Cheongju region was after the year 529. Therefore, chronological years of remains and artifacts found in Cheongju and its vicinity would be those of the era after 529. This paper argues emphasizing the need for modifying existing archeological chronological years, which will be proved by the survey results of a greater number of remains and artifacts in the future.

조선시대 서울 지역의 봉수대 설치와 운영

金榮官(Kim, Young-Kwan) 백산학회 2004 白山學報 Vol.- No.69

The beacon system had been put to a practical use since the era of Three Kingdom period and it survived through the times of the Goryo dynasty and the Joseon dynasty. Even after the Joseon dynasty moved its capital to Hanyang from Gaegyeong, the beacon system functioned efficiently its role as a nationwide military network. After the foundation of the Joseon, the beacon system had to be reorganized and improved around the capital Hanyang utilizing the existing beacon system of the Goryo dynasty. Therefore, it was only needed to install beacon lighthouses in Hanyang and inland area beacon lighthouses in the vicinity of Hanyang. It was in 1423 when the beacon system of the Joseon dynasty was completed setting up five beacon lighthouses in Namsan and their networking with inland area beacon lighthouses. With the advent of the modern communication technology, Telegraph, the national communication system was established in the year of 1895 and this led to the abolishment of the beacon system. The beacon network of the Joseon dynasty passed through rearrangements. Achasan beacon lighthouse changed its location several times maintaining the name, and Cheonlimsan beacon lighthouse made alternation of its location. The number of beacon guards and their assistants varied according to the importance of a beacon lighthouse and the circumstances of the regions. In the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, inland area beacon lighthouses are comprised of twenty five beacon guards and fifty to seventy five assistants including one director. A unit of five people worked on a five-shift system a month and one beacon guard was attended by two to three assistants.

Octa-dodecyloxy Copper-phthalocyanine LB막의 NO₂ 가스 탐지 특성과 전기전도도에 관한 연구

具滋龍(Ja-Ryong Koo),金永寬(Young-Kwan Kim),金正洙(Jung-Soo Kim) 대한전기학회 1999 전기학회논문지C Vol.48 No.2

Polyimide와 Polyacryl을 게이트 절연층으로 이용한 pentacene TFT의 제작과 전기적 특성에 관한 연구

金允明(Yun-Myoung Kim),金沃炳(Ok-Byoung Kim),金永寬(Young-Kwan Kim),金正洙(Jung-Soo Kim) 대한전기학회 2001 전기학회논문지C Vol.50 No.4

진공 증착법에 의하여 제작한 Europium complex 유기 박막 전기발광소자의 광학적ㆍ전기적 특성에 관한 연구

李明鎬(Myung-Ho Lee),李漢星(Han-Sung Lee),金永寬(Young-Kwan Kim),金正洙(Jung-Soo Kim) 대한전기학회 1999 전기학회논문지C Vol.48 No.5