소셜미디어 상에서의 언어 규범이 공유행위에 미치는 영향 : 남북정상회담 트윗에 대한 다층 허들모형 분석

주호준(Ho Jun Joo),최수진(Sujin Choi) 한국언론학회 2020 한국언론학보 Vol.64 No.6

Sharing in social media is an act of communication, reflecting the social influence of the sources being shared and contributing to the formation of public opinion. This study explored the underlying mechanism of sharing on Twitter, focusing on the characteristics of languages used in Tweets. Linguistic characteristics have been rarely examined in the previous research as a potential factor that may influence sharing. According to the Language Expectancy Theory (LET), based on socio-cultural standards, people have certain expectations for norms of languages used by sources and the violation of these expectations affects the sources’ credibility, which in turn can exert significant influence on sharing. Thus, we investigated the effects of linguistic intensity and linguistic powerlessness and, their interactions with the source-level variables on users’ sharing behavior. Furthermore, we conceptually and analytically distinguished between the possibility (whether or not to be shared) and the frequency (to what extent shared) of a Tweet being shared. For these analyses, Tweets posted or shared during the first inter-Korean summit were collected, and among them, Twitter accounts that actively participated in the discussions of the summit and their Tweets were included in our multilevel hurdle model (which considers both the multilevel and the zero-inflation characteristics of the data and allows us to analyze binomial (possibility of being shared) and zero-truncated negative binomial (frequency of being shared) models together. Our findings suggest that the mechanisms between the possibility and the frequency of being shared are different. The former was significantly affected by the message-level variables only, whereas the latter was significantly influenced by both the source-level and message-level variables. This indicates that users mainly considered message content when they decided to share a Tweet that had never been shared previously; but considered not only the content of messages but also who the sources were when they decided to share a Tweet that had been shared already. We also found that linguistic variables were statistically significant predictors of the frequency of being shared. Linguistic intensity had a negative effect on the frequency of being shared, and the interaction between linguistic powerlessness and verified account (a proxy measure for source credibility) had a positive effect on the frequency of being shared. Considering the context that the data used in this study was collected from Twitter and addressed the first inter-Korea summit, Tweets that convey linguistically intense expressions might have prevented users from sharing them. However, when Twitter accounts were regarded as having high source credibility (being verified by Twitter), linguistically powerless language appearing in their Tweets might have caused a positive expectancy violation and encouraged users’ sharing. This indicates that, contrary to previous findings, powerless language might have been perceived as positive by users, showing consistency with language norms identified in the Tweets frequently shared about the inter-Korean summit. Overall, these findings suggest that language norms are important factors influencing users’ sharing behavior and have implications with the LET.

그렇다면 대한민국은 지난 23년간 ‘북한이탈주민’을 어떻게 보았는가? : ‘북한이탈주민’, ‘탈북민’, ‘새터민’ 관련 언론 보도 빅데이터 분석

박종민(Jongmin Park),주호준(Ho Jun Joo),정영주(Young Ju Jung),김현우(Hyeon Woo Kim) 한국언론학회 2022 한국언론학보 Vol.66 No.1

In this study, about 200,000 linguistic morphemes and sentimental words were investigated for Naver articles including ‘North Korean refugee’, ‘North Korean defector’ and ‘North Korean defector(positively refined)’. The research question examined was in regards to how the linguistic intensity, emotional expression frequency, and positive/negative emotional direction in articles differed across five governments and two opposing factional media since 1998. Additionally, secondary data for the period that could be examined (2011~2014) were analyzed to understand the change in public perception of North Korean refugees. First, in the articles, the terms, ‘North Korean defectors (132,080 articles)’, ‘North Korean refugee (44,281 articles)’, and ’North Korean defector (positively refined) (27,262 articles)’, in this respective order, were used most frequently to refer to North Korean migrants. ‘North Korean defector’ was the most negative, and recently, the expression ‘North Korean refugee’ was a positive and common label used. As for the direction of emotion, positive articles on ‘North Korean defector’ and ‘North Korean defector(positively refined)’ have maintained a higher frequency than that of negative articles. Looking at the emotional language of articles related to North Korean migrants and the temporal relationship of important inter-Korean relations, it was found that the social interest in North Korean defectors in South Korea decreased as interest in North Korea increased, due to large positive and negative inter-Korean issues. This is expressed as a so-called ’frame of conflicting interest between North Korea and North Korean refugees in the media (North Korea ↔ North Korean refugee)’. Whereas, when viewed by the government of the Republic of Korea, the media sentiment frame of the pro-North Korean government was not a ’frame of conflict of interest between North Korea and North Korean refugees (North Korea ↔ North Korean refugee)’, but a ’pro-North Korean sentiment frame that embraces North Korean refugees (North Korea ⊃ North Korean refugee)’. In times of rapid change in inter-Korean relations (Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun, Park Geun-hye governments, etc.), there was also observed a sharp fluctuation in the direction of positive and negative emotions. Looking at the differences according to the media’s political orientation, first, the articles related to ‘North Korean refugee’ + ‘North Korean defector’ + ‘North Korean defector (positively refined)’ tended to have a lower verbal intensity than that of the progressive media. Second, the conservatives used ‘North Korean defector’ more than ‘North Korean refugee’ compared to the progressive media, and reports related to ‘North Korean refugee’ dealt with various topics, causing a great wave of expression. Third, the emotional expression of articles related to North Korean refugees was more in the conservative media, and furthermore, the positive emotional direction of the conservative media in all governments except the Moon Jae-in administration was higher than that of the progressive media. Lastly, as a result of the public perception survey on North Korean refugees, being male, older in age, higher in education level, higher in income, and more progressive was associated with reporting higher intentions to accept North Korean refugees. This result was discussed by applying the concept of attribute agenda setting.

대한민국은 지난 20년간 ‘북한’과 ‘통일’을 어떻게 보았는가? 언론 보도 빅데이터 분석 및 국민 인식 종단연구

박종민(Jongmin Park),정영주(Young-Ju Jung),주호준(Ho Jun Joo),김현우(Hyeon Woo Kim) 한국언론학회 2020 한국언론학보 Vol.64 No.6

This study analyzed the language morphemes and emotional words of about 400,000 articles in Naver, including ‘North Korea’ and ‘Reunification’ since 2003. Through this, the differences in the linguistic intensity of the article, the frequency of emotional expression, and the direction of emotion (positive and negative) were analyzed according to the government (Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, Park Geun-hye + Hwang Gyo-an, Moon Jae-in government) and the factional media (progress/conservative). In addition, the difference in ‘attitude toward North Korea and reunification’ according to demographic attributes, personal political orientation, survey year, and liberal/conservative government period was analyzed using a 17-year survey of public perception of 1,300 people each year since 2003. As a result of the study, there were many changes in linguistic intensity and emotional frequency during the Roh Moo-hyun government. In the Park Geun-hye government, after the Roh Moo-hyun government, the verbal intensity and emotional frequency were higher. However the amount of positive sentiment was most in the order of Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in, Roh Moo-hyun, and Lee Myung-bak government. In media reports during the Park Geun-hye government, both positive and negative emotions were high, while the attitude toward ‘North Korea’ and ‘Reunification’ was the lowest in the public survey (Roh Moo-hyun > Moon Jae-in > Lee Myung-bak > Park Geun-hye government). Regarding the results of public opinion polls, women are more positive about North Korea and more negative about Reunification than men. The higher the level of education and income, the more positive for North Korea, and the higher the level of education, the more positive for Reunification. The more recent it came, the more negative it was for North Korea and Reunification, and the younger the age, the more negative for North Korea. The political faction of the government only affected the attitude toward ‘North Korea,’ so the more progressive governments were, the more positive the people were toward ‘North Korea.’ Looking at the characteristics of the medias political faction, progressive media responded more sensitively to North Koreas South Korean policies and actions, and inter-Korean relations than conservative media. The most peculiar finding was that the media as a whole had a strong positive sentiment toward North Korea and reunification, the linguistic intensity and emotionality of conservative media were generally higher than that of progressive media, and the positive sentiment was generally higher than that of progressive media. On the other hand, as a result of public opinion polls, the political faction of the government had no influence on the attitude of the people toward ‘Reunification,’ but it had an effect on the attitude toward ‘North Korea’. Related interpretations were discussed.