http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
특별기고 : 韓國に比較文學の「邊境」を踏査する -國際比較文學會 第十九回ソウル大會(Aug.15-21, 2010)の報告と反省
稻賀繁美 한국비교문학회 2013 比較文學 Vol.0 No.60
末筆となるが、本ソウル大會の實現のために진力されたチュン·チュンホ Chung Chung-ho會長、また實務のすべてを事實上たったひとりで見事に切り盛りしたチョ·ソンウォンCho Sung-won敎授に、この場を借りてあらためて御禮申し上げたい。舞台裏の兵站關係は、僅か數人が個人責任をもって對應し、また會期中は中央大學を中心とする學生諸君が大動員され、日當わずか一万ウォン(內部情報)で獻身的かつ細心の細心ぶり見せた。これら裏方にも氣配りを忘れない閉會宣言でスタンデイング·オベイションを受けたチョ·ソンウォン敎授と、これでICLA副會長の責からも解かれたチュン會長と。大役を果たしたばかりのそのおふたりとは、偶ヶその直後、中央大學の丘の頂上にある裏門からすぐの學生街の食堂で、李應壽さんともご一緖になり、改めてその勞を호ったことであった。
岡倉天心とインド : 越境する近代國民意識と汎アジアㆍイデオロギ―の歸趨
稻賀繁美 대한일어일문학회 2004 일어일문학 Vol.24 No.-
本發表は,岡倉天心とその周邊に焦點を當てる.檢證すべきは以下の二點となる.まず,二○世紀初頭 におけるアジアの自己表現としてもっとも突出した發現のひとつたる『東洋の理想』が,天心のインド體驗を核として練りあげられたこと.そして第二に,近代アジアの文化アイデンティティ-發現の一手段としての『東洋美術』槪念が,そもそも狹義の國民國家意識からの逸脫を內在的前提條件として練り上げられたこと.『ひとつのアジア』--すなわち文化槪念としての東アジア,さらには『東洋』という虛構の화組み--の捏造そして實體化--これなくして普遍的世界美術史は構想し得ない--の裏には,天心の生涯に刻印された越境狀況が潛んでいたはずだ. 最近の硏究があきらかにしたように,日本の近代美術史の形成は,明治國家の立ち上げと密接に關係していた(Sato 1998; Kitazawa 1999; TNRICP 1999).さらに視野を廣げるならば,十九世紀後半から二十世紀初頭にかけて,アジア諸民族は,西歐列强による帝國主義植民地狀況下で,『西歐』に對抗すべく,國民的あるいは文化的な自己同一性を『發明』し,再設定し,あるいはまた國家目標として追求した.『東洋美術史』なる화組みもまた,そうした運動と一體をなして浮上した,ひとつの理念あるいは思念であった. 本發表の目指すのは,天心の著述を,その執筆環境--すなわち二○世紀初頭のインドという歷史的·地理的な空間--におき直すことにある.まずインドの國民意識とアイデンティティ一覺醒に天心が以下に關與下かを問いたい. さらに理念としての東洋美術--すなわちアジアの文化的自己表現--の,最も雄弁な國際的提唱者のひとりたる天心が,その後彼に續く『美術史學』の專門家集團たちの世界から,あたかも厄介者よろしく抹消されてゆく經緯に迫りたい.本發表は、岡倉天心を例にとって、二○世紀初頭の東アジアの文化狀況と,その世界史的反響の一?を檢證し、汎アジア·イデオロギ-の歸趨に關する問題提起となることを志している.
陶霞波 경성대학교 한국한자연구소 2012 한자연구 Vol.0 No.7
It researches the abundant figures and edits the history development, analyzes the permutation and theory, shows the diversity and contribution for the traditional wordage in written form and the representation of characters.
미찌시타 나루시게(道下德成)(MICHISHITA Narushige) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2012 신아세아 Vol.19 No.3
China has been raising its global profile and steadily expanding its regional influence within Asia. The moves it has been taking toward this end include strengthening and modernizing its armed forces (particularly its navy and air force) and diversifying their operational methods. Simply put, the Chinese are working to build “anti-access capabilities” by beefing up their navy and air force; their objective is to exclude the influence of the United States and other countries from areas such as the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Yellow Sea so as to build a regional order that will serve their own interests. In many respects China’s anti-access strategy is similar to the “sea control” and “sea denial” strategies adopted by the Soviet Union during the Cold War. China is seeking to establish two defensive lines in its own vicinity, the First Island Chain and Second Island Chain, with the aim of turning the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Yellow Sea into sanctuaries. How has Japan been responding to China’s moves? The response has three aspects: improving Japan’s defense capabilities, strengthening Japan-US cooperation, and enhancing cooperation with the countries in the region. Japan’s initiatives to improve its defense capabilities were set forth in the National Defense Program Guidelines as revised in 2010. The current NDPG espouses a “Dynamic Defense Force” capable of responding flexibly and seamlessly to various scenarios ranging from peacetime to wartime situations. This entails bolstering Japan’s capabilities as well as strategic presence capabilities through more robust patrol and surveillance activities combined with enhanced training and exercises. Japan and the United States are strengthening bilateral cooperation in order to better cope with the new strategic environment emerging in the region. What is important in this regard is the “air-sea battle” concept that the United States is currently focusing on. This operational concept, which is being developed by the United States as a means of countering China’s access denial strategy, involves the enhancement of long-range strike capabilities and the strengthening of joint operations among land, sea, and air forces. Japan’s cooperation is seen as essential, inasmuch as (a) the Japanese Self-Defense Forces play an important role in defending the US bases in Japan, (b) China’s First Island Chain defensive perimeter runs along Japan’s Southwestern Islands, and (c) the Japanese SDF have a powerful anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capability. Finally, Japan is bolstering cooperation with countries in the region. If we compare China’s growth rate with that of Japan and of the United States, it is evident that these two countries will not be able to compete on their own with China. Japan and the United States are therefore seeking to respond to China’s rise by strengthening their cooperation with friendly nations in the region. This is why Japan, in its 2010 NDPG, explicitly refers to South Korea, Australia, the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and India, setting forth a policy of seeking stronger defense cooperation with these countries.