‘명리(名理)’의 ‘명(名)’과 중국선진시기 ‘명가(名家)’의 ‘명(名)’

염정삼 ( Yum Jung-sam ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.95 No.-

본고는 유럽과 중국 문명 간의 조우와 이해 및 소통의 과정을 언어와 논리의 측면에서 조망해보고자 하는 목적을 가지고 작성되었다. 본고는 다음의 단계를 거치며 그것을 설명하고자 한다. 우선 17세기 유럽과 중국이 각각 변화하고 있던 역사적 환경 아래에서 서로 다른 이해의 시각을 가지고 다면적으로 만났던 시기에, 아리스토텔레스의 논리학 저서가 《명리탐(名理探)》이라는 이름으로 번역되는 배경과 실례를 살펴보고 그 이후의 논리학 관련 번역용어들과 대조하여, 서로의 차이가 분명하게 부각되지 못하는 한계를 확인할 것이다. 그리고 두번째로는 《명리탐》의 근간이 되었던 아리스토텔레스 논리가 당시 플라톤의 사상에서 다룬 언어의 문제를 어떻게 계승하여 범주의 논의를 전개시켰는지 고찰해 볼 것이다. 마지막 세 번째로는 선진 시기 중국 사상가들의 명실(名實)에 대한 논쟁의 전개 과정을 일별함으로써, 고대 그리스의 이름[onoma]에 대한 논의와 비교해 보고 그것이 중국의 이름[名]에 대한 고민과 어떤 공통점과 차이를 가지는지 살펴보고자 한다. This paper was aimed to investigate the exchanges, understandings and communication between Western and Chinese civilizations with a focus on language and logic. To obtain that purpose, this paper will unfold in the following order: First, it will start with demonstrating the translation process of Minglitan which was based on multifaceted exchanges between both sides, as well as taking a glance at some of their later joint translations. This will give light to the works’ limits of failing to fully clarify their differences. Second, we will consider the problem of language in Aristotle’s logics and Plato’s theory--which formed the basis of Minglitan. Lastly, we will compare the two theorists’ ideas to that of China’s mingshi名實, ultimately leading to Chinese traditional questions about name, so called ming名, and what common points and differences the two had.

論理(Logic)'라는 개념어의 형성 : 중국에서의 활용 사례를 고찰하며

염정삼(Yum Jung-sam) 인제대학교 인간환경미래연구원 2009 인간 · 환경 · 미래 Vol.- No.3

19세기 서구 문명의 유입과 그것과의 충돌 속에서 중국 및 일본의 지식인들은 서구 문명의 정체성에 해당하는 것을 규정하려고 하였으며 서구 사상을 주요하게 떠받치고 있는 개념은 바로 ‘logos’, ‘logic’ 등일 것이라고 생각했다. 중국을 중심으로 한 문명권에서 발달하지 못했다고 여겨지는 이 분야의 개념과 학문을 이해하고 소개하려고 하였을 때, 이들 동아시아의 근대 지식인들이 곧바로 개념 번역의 문제에 부딪혔을 것임은 자명하다. 우선 과연 ‘logic’에 해당하는 것이 중국의 전통시기에 있었는가를 물어야 했다. 그러나 특히 문어, 혹은 서면어가 구두어보다 훨씬 발달했던 중국과 같은 문명권에서는 ‘말로 이치를 따짐’, ‘논증함’, ‘앞뒤로 이치를 맞춰 정연하게 말하는 방법’ 자체가 생소한 것일 수밖에 없었다. 서양의 ‘logic’에 해당하는 말을 찾기 위하여 알레니(Giulio Aleni, 艾儒略; 1582-1649)의 음차번역어 ‘落日加(lourijia)’에서 이지조(李之藻, Lizhizao; 1565-1629)의 ‘명리(mingli名理)’, 그리고 청말 근대에 이르는 시기의 번역어 변학(bianxue辨學), 명학(mingxue名學), 논리(lnuli論理), 루오지(luoji邏輯)에 이르기까지 다양한 실험과 예시를 일별하면서 던져지는 문제는 다음과 같은 것이다. 서구 ‘logic’이라는 말 그 자체가 다양한 함의를 포함하고 있는 것은 차치하고, 그것을 받아들였던 중국의 경우 어떤 이해와 해석의 틀, 혹은 동기와 사회적 배경이 작용하였는지 간단하지 않다는 점이다. 예컨대 명대 말엽의 예수회 선교사와 카톨릭으로 개종했던 소수의 중국학자들의 경우 서양의 학문을 선교를 위해서 도입하고 번역하려는 동기가 강하게 작동하고 있었다. 반면에 아편전쟁 이후 서구와의 충돌과 패배 이후 중국의 전통을 반성하고 그들의 과학과 기술, 그리고 문화를 배워서 그것을 극복한다는 ‘지피지기(知彼知己)’의 전략을 세웠던 중국 근대 지식인들의 경우에는 그것은 단순한 배움의 대상이 아니라 바로 극복의 대상이기도 했다. 그 대표적인 예가 바로 양계초(梁啓超, Liangqichao; 1873-1929), 호적(胡適, Hushi; 1891-1962) 등에게서 드러나는 《묵자(墨子Mozi)》 해석일 것이다. 본고는 ‘logic, 論理’에 해당하는 개념어를 중심으로 17-18세기 중국에서의 동서 교류의 사정을 살펴보고 19세기 근대 지식인의 번역과 그 용어의 활용을 고찰해 보려고 하였다. 이것은 우리에게는 부재했던 어떤 개념어가 어떻게 수용되고 정착되었는가를 살펴보는 일임과 동시에, 최초의 번역 시도들을 살펴봄으로써 우리가 이해하고 있는 우리 안의 ‘논리’가 결국 무엇인지를 밝히는 데 일조하는 일이 될 것으로 기대된다.

기획논문 : 중국의 서학, 유럽의 중국학 ; 서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』 (西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formu- lating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話) (literally, official`s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱 鼎澣) after Ricci`s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar`s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬해)`s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ``places``, its rules for ``images``, its discussion of ``memory for things`` and ``memory for words``, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing develop- ments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ``Ad Herennium`` outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial me- mory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ``Ad Herennium`` outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: "This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness, which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity". From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.

어문학부(語文學部) : 명대(明代) 말기 중국(中國)의 서양학문 수용 -『서학범(西學凡)』과 『명리탐(名理探)』의 소개를 중심으로-

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 한국중국학회 2011 중국학보 Vol.63 No.-

In addition to pastoral activities, Jesuits were involved in the publication of books. In fact they actively promoted an "apostolate through books"(Apostolat der Presse). As a result, the apostolate through books became one of the major means of spreading Christianity among the elite. The numerous writings made Christian doctrine and Western sciences known to a large public. Chinese scholars entered into contact with the first Jesuits who to a large extent initiated the apostolate through books. Matteo Ricci translated mathematical and astronomical writings with the help of Chinese scholars, especially Xu Guangxi and Li Zhizao. A first initiative stimulating the translation of scientific works into Chinese was the calendar reform project of the 1630s. A rather ambitious project was the effort of the Jesuits to introduce Aristotelian philosophy in China. In this case, the initiative was mainly taken by Jesuits themselves, who, by emphasizing Aristotelianism, attempted to reproduce what was the basis of their own education. In early period, Giulio Aleni(艾儒略: 1582-1649) attempted to introduce the European education system, which had been made in colleges for Jesuit scholastics. Proceeding the translations of western science book into Chinese, they were convinced that a good knowledge of this philosophy, including its stress on logic and dialectics, was required for understanding Western thought and sciences. Aleni`s Xixuefan 西學凡(Summary of Western Learning, 1623). describes the curriculum of European universities based on the document of Ratio Studiorum. Philosophy, the author explains, is one of the six subjects taught, the others being rhetoric, medicine, law, canon law, and theology. Philosophy is in turn divided into five fields: logic, physics, metaphysics, mathematics, and ethics. Francisco Furtado collaborated with Li Zhizao took the well-known Coimbra commentaries (Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis SJ, 1592-1606) on Aristotelian philosophy as his primary source and translated into Chinese, named Minglitan 名理探.

논문 : 고(古)-금(今)서체의 단절과 계승에서 본 전서(篆書)의 의미

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 중국어문학회 2013 中國語文學誌 Vol.45 No.-

This paper aims to explain how the orthodoxy of zhuanshu 篆書 has been established and reassured. Zhuanshu had become a standard writing style with the tremendous contribution by Lisi李斯 in Qin秦 dynasty and Xushen許愼 in Han 漢 dynasty, who leveraged zhuanshu to unify various character writings and styles that were used in Zhanguo戰國 period. While competing with lishu隷書 and kaishu楷書 that were fairly popular in Han dynasty, zhuanshu gained the sovereignty over other styles and maintained its prestigious status for a long time - from the traditional period till Tangsong唐宋 dynasties. Even in Qing淸 dynasty zhuanshu regained the power in character meaning research and calligraphy. I propose three main reasons why zhuanshu had reigned for such a long time. First in historical and political point, second scholastic and academic point, and third artistic and esthetic point, it is the strength of zhuanshu to be able to succeed the previous styles and also connect to new ones so as to survive for a long period.

漢字 形象의 의미론적 연관 구조에 관하여 : 部首字를 중심으로

염정삼(Yum Jung Sam) 韓國中語中文學會 2004 中語中文學 Vol.35 No.-

위항(衛恒) 《사체서세(四體書勢)》의 역사적 의의 ― 허신(許愼)의 서체론(書體論)에서 위항(衛恒)의 서세론(書勢論)으로 ―

선주선 ( Sun Joo Sun ),염정삼 ( Yum Jung Sam ) 한국중국어문학회 2014 中國文學 Vol.79 No.-

The writing style and the power of strokes in the sphere of writing Chinese characters, respectively 書體shuti and 書勢shushi, developed their own theories from 漢 Han dynasty to 魏晉Weijin dynasties. In Shuowenjiezi說文解字, Xushen許愼 explained eight styles of Qin秦 and six styles of Wangmang王莽. In Sitishushi四體書勢, Weihang 衛恒 explained current four styles and the power of strokes depending on the style. This paper aims to investigate the process that how the transition from shuti to shushi came true, and how the theory of shushi was established.

許愼 文字觀의 理論的인 軸 : 六書論을 중심으로

廉丁三 韓國中國語文學會 2004 中國文學 Vol.41 No.-

本文從探討"許愼通過文字確立的世界觀是如何表現出來的?"這一問題出發, 從不同角度論證許愼完成文字觀的個個旅程, 試圖揭示其整體面貌. 爲了明確其文字觀的理論基礎, 本文深入硏究分析了許愼創造'字形', '聲音', '意義'相結合的文字理論過程, 獲得了如下結論: 首先, 許愼以'道(太極)'的分化過程爲理論基礎, 說明了文字的生成過程. 其次, 他把文字的發展和演變原理與相關關係的類比性擴充理論結合了起來. 關係論在《易》的'咸'中也能조到, 是當時盛行的理論之一, '感應論'. 《說文》中意義的相關關係就非常明顯地表現出了《易·繫辭傳》的二元論觀點. 再次, 許愼以文字創生論和相關關係論爲基礎. 分析了文字的'字形', '字音', '字意'論結構, 幷完成了貫穿整個文字體系的六書論. 這就是詳愼能구將過去未曾整理好的文字構造理論加以明確的原困.