언더우드가 번역한 서양 음식조리서 『조양반서』(造洋飯書) 연구

백두현 ( Paek Doohyeon ) 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2017 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.32 No.-

The introduction of the western civilization to the Korean peninsula in late 19th century brought about radical changes in Korean society. It is at that time that western food recipes were brought in and had a considerable impact on the Korean food culture. Joyang Banseo is a western cooking book written in Korean language. Originally written and published in Chinese language, it was translated by Horace Grant Underwood into Korean before introduced in Korea. This paper has revealed the bibliographic and Korean linguistic characteristics and values of Joyang Banseo, a cooking book in Korean language version. In the process of translating western recipes into Korean, the cooking book described a variety of phonological and phonetic characteristics, including vocabularies, orthographies and euphonic changes. The paper has also reviewed what Korean words were used when translating western food vocabularies into Korean. For example, English words ‘bread’ and ‘cake’ were translated into ‘떡’ or ‘rice cake’. ‘Pie’ was translated into ‘□’, ‘sauce’ into ‘쟝’, and ‘turkey’ into ‘□□’. There are a lot of cases of using Korean words phonetically to describe some cuisines instead of translating them into their corresponding Korean vocabularies. Some of the examples include ‘푸딍’(pudding), ‘파인아풀 마마레드’(marmalade pineapple), ‘옴□□ 쓰풀 늬’(omelette souefflee), and ‘스카로 와풀쓰’(puffs scarborough)

당대 자료로 본 훈독법의 생성 시기 고찰

백두현 ( Paek Doohyeon ) 구결학회 2020 구결연구 Vol.45 No.-

훈독법은 음독법과 음가법을 뛰어넘어 고유어를 표기하기 위해 창안한 차자법이다. 훈독법의 생성 시기를 밝히는 연구는 차자법 발달사에서 의미 있는 일이다. 이 글은 금석문과 목간 등 당대 자료를 중심으로 하고, 역사서에서 당대적 성격이 뚜렷한 사료를 이용하여 훈독법의 생성 시기를 나라별, 자료별로 나누어 고찰한 것이다. 고구려의 당대 자료에서는 훈독법의 증거를 찾기 어렵다. 이두 성격이 비교적 뚜렷한 중원고구려비에서 훈독법의 존재 가능성을 엿볼 수 있으나 확정적 증거는 아니다. 고구려 지명의 2차 자료인 『삼국사기』 권37의 압록강 이북의 성 이름에 ‘鉛:乃勿’ 및 ‘忽:城’의 대응이 존재한다. 이를 근거로 7세기 이전의 고구려에 훈독법이 존재했다고 추정한다. 고구려인이 ‘淵蓋蘇文’이라 표기한 인명을 『일본서기』에서 ‘伊梨柯須彌’(iri kasumi)로 음차 표기한 것은 연개소문이 활동했던 7세기 전기에 고구려에 훈독법이 존재했음을 의미한다. 4세기 초기에 광개토왕릉비문과 같은 뛰어난 한문을 구사한 것으로 보아 고구려에서 훈독법은 이미 이 시기에 존재했을 듯하나 당대 자료에서 명백한 증거를 확보할 필요가 있다. 백제의 당대 자료로서 훈독법의 존재를 암시하는 것은 6세기 전기 이전 자료로 추정된 부여 능산리사지목간의 인명 표기자 ‘猪耳’이다. ‘猪耳’는 백제 고유어 ‘돗귀/돝귀’를 훈역한 것으로 볼 수 있으므로 6세기 전기의 백제에 훈독법이 존재했다고 추정한다. 백제의 2차 자료 『일본서기』는 백제 사서 『百濟新撰』을 인용하여, 무령왕(462~523)의 이름 ‘斯麻’(sima)를 한자어 ‘嶋君’이라 표기해 놓았다. 한자어 ‘嶋’와 백제어 ‘斯麻’(sima)의 대응 관계에서 훈역을 엿볼 수 있다. 이 예는 무령왕 시대(6세기 전후)에 훈역과 함께 훈독도 존재했음을 암시한다. 신라의 당대 자료로서 훈독법의 존재를 암시하는 것은 6세기 금석문 울주천전리추명(539)과 을축명(545) 그리고 단양적성비(540)에 나타난 ‘波珎’[*patɔr](海)이다. 여기에 쓰인 ‘珍’은 ‘*돌’로 훈독된 것이다. 백제 지명에 ‘石:珍:突’의 대응관계가 나타나는 사실은 ‘珍’의 훈을 ‘*돌’로 보는 증거가 되어 왔다. ‘珍’을 ‘돌~□’로 읽은 것은 분명하지만 ‘돌~□’을 ‘珍’의 훈독으로 확정하기 위한 근거가 더 필요하다. 대구 무술오작비의 ‘文作人’은 ‘글 지은 사람’, 남산신성비의 ‘文尺’은 ‘글자(ㅎ)’로 훈독되었을 가능성이 있지만 단정하기 어렵다. 8세기 자료인 황복사석탑금동사리함명(706)의 ‘韓舍’와 ‘韓奈麻’, 화엄경사경조성기(755)에 공존하는 ‘大舍’와 ‘韓舍’는 ‘大’를 ‘한’으로 훈독한 명백한 증거이다. 따라서 8세기 초기 혹은 직전 시기의 신라에 훈독법이 존재했음은 확실하다. 울주천전리원명(525)의 ‘大舍’와 창녕진흥왕척경비(561)의 ‘大奈末’의 ‘大’도 ‘한’으로 훈독되었을 가능성이 있다. 7세기 자료 월성해자목간 149호의 ‘白’은 훈독되었을 가능성은 있으나 이 한자의 본뜻(사뢰다)으로 보아도 무방하다. 이 자료의 ‘在’(겨-)는 이두자로 쓰인 것이어서 훈독자로 볼 수 있다. 2차 자료이기는 하지만 『삼국유사』에서 ‘當時人’이 모두 ‘원효’의 이름을 鄕言으로 ‘始旦’이라 칭했다는 기록에서 원효 시대(617~686)인 7세기 중엽의 신라에 훈독법이 존재했음을 알 수 있다. This paper explores the historical genesis of the Hundok reading system(訓讀法), which consists of reading the meaning of Chinese characters in vernacular Korean, based on historical materials, in particular epitaphs, epigraphs and wooden tablets, from each of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea. Regarding Goguryeo, there is little evidence of Hundok in the materials of the time. The Jungwon Goguryeo Stele(중원고구려비), which is relatively more characteristic of the Idu writing system, offers a glimpse of the potential existence of the Hundok reading system without nonetheless providing any conclusive evidence. The passage on Goguryeo’s place names in the Volume 37 of secondary source Samguk sagi gives two equivalent names, ‘鉛 (lead): 乃勿 [na-mɨl]’ and ‘城 (castle): 忽 [hol]’, for the castle situated on the north bank of Amnokgang(Yalu river). On the basis of this equivalence, it can be conjectured that the Hundok reading system existed in Goguryeo prior to the 7th century. General Yeon Gaesomun, written ‘淵蓋蘇文’ in Hanja, is transliterated by ‘伊梨柯須彌’ [iri kasumi] in Nihon Shoki. This means that the Hundok reading system was used in 7th-century Goguryeo, which was then marked by the activities of General Yeon Gaesomun. However, the inscription on the Gwanggaeto Stele(광개토대왕비문) shows a good command of Chinese characters as early as the beginning of the 4th century, which seems to suggest that the Hundok system might have already existed in Goguryeo at that time. Nonetheless, clear evidence has yet to be found in the materials of that period. Based on the historical data on Baekje, the existence of the Hundok reading system is suggested by the name ‘猪耳’ (pig’s ears) inscribed on a wooden tablet excavated from the Buyeo Neungsanri Temple site(부여능산리사지목간), which is estimated to date back to early 6th century. From the native Baekje translation of ‘猪耳’, that is, [toskui/tothkui] (돗귀/돝귀), it can be supposed that the Hundok reading system existed in early 6th-century Baekje. Citing Baekje Sinchan (百濟新撰), which is a book on the history of Baekje, secondary source Nihon Shoki mentions that King Muryeong(462~523) was named ‘斯麻’[sima] because he was born on an island and ‘斯麻’ could be written ‘嶋君’(island-born man) in Hanja. The equivalence between the Hanja character ‘嶋’(island) and the Baekje word ‘斯麻’ shows evidence for the use of Hundok. It can be concluded from this example that the Hundok reading system existed from King Muryeong’s reign (i.e. 6th century) onwards. Among the historical data for Silla, we can mention ‘波珎’[*patɔr](海) inscribed on the 6th-century epigraphs of the Uljoo Cheonjeon-ri Second Inscription(울주천전리추명, 525) and the Danyang Jeokseong Stele(단양적성비, 540), wherein the character ‘珍’ can be read as [tɔr](* 돌). The equivalence between ‘石(stone): 珍[tɔr]: 突[tor]’ which appears in Baekje’s place names also proves that ‘珍’ was read as [tɔr]. While it is certain that ‘珍’ was read as [tɔr/tΛr](돌/□), more evidence is required to prove that it is indeed a Hundok reading. The inscriptions ‘文作人’ and ‘文尺’ on the Tag-Gu Musul Ojak Stele(대구 무술오작비) and the Namsan Sinseong Stele(남산신성비) respectively might have been read as [kɨlja(h)](글자(ㅎ)), but this remains inconclusive. However, the coexistence of the inscriptions ‘韓舍’ [hansa] and ‘韓奈麻’ [hannama] on the 8th-century Gilt Bronze Reliquary of the Hwangboksa Pagoda(황복사석탑금동사리함명, 706), as well as that of ‘大舍’[dεsa] and ‘韓舍’ [hansa] on the Hwaeom-gyeong Copy(화엄경사경조성기, 755) constitute compelling evidence that ‘大’ was read [han] (한). Thus, it can be confirmed that the Hundok system had existed in Silla from early 8th century or just before it. The character ‘白’ from the 7th-century Wooden Tablet no.149 of Wolseong Moat(월성해자목간149호) may have been read according to the Hundok reading system but it is also correct to understand it according to the original meaning of this Hanja, i.e. [saroida](사뢰다, to tell honorific). The character ‘在’ [kjə], however, was written according to the Idu script and, therefore, can be seen as a Hundok character. Although SamgukYusa remains a secondary source material, it is recorded that Won-hyo(617~686) was designated by his contemporaries with the Silla name ‘始旦’(seol 설), which shows that the Hundok reading system existed in mid-7th-century Silla.