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- 저자 : 강전석 (검색결과 4 건)
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강전석 목원대학교 신학대학원 2007 국내석사
동성애가 나타난 것은 어제 오늘의 문제가 아니다. 다만 최근에 와서 더욱 부각되기 시작했고, 동성애에 대한 인식이 우리 사회 전반적으로 긍정적으로 변해가고 있고 심지어 교회 안에서 조차도 동성애에 대해 올바른 교육 없이 무비판적으로 수용하자는 주장이 나오고 있는데 그 문제가 심각하다. 이에 교회도 동성애에 대한 기존에 해오던 것처럼 무조건적인 정죄와 죄악시하던 과거의 편견에서 벗어나 동성애자들 역시 우리(이성애자)와 같은 하나님의 동일한 부르심 아래 놓여 있음을 인식하고 동성애자들에 대해서 목회적 돌봄의 대상으로 새롭게 다가가야 할 것이다. 그러기 위해서는 먼저 동성애자들에 대한 부정적인 태도를 없애고, 교회가 동성애자들이 동성애 욕구를 회개하고 돌아올 수 있고 여전히 기도 속에서 후원과 용납을 받을 수 있는 곳이 되어야 한다. 그러기 위해서는 동성애에 대해 올바로 알려야 할 필요가 있다. 보다 많은 세미나를 통해서나, 인터넷을 통해서 알려야 할 것이다. 그래야 우리의 미래인 아이들이 몰라서 동성애적 행위를 하는 일이 없도록 해야 할 것이다. 그러나 동성애자들을 용납함에 있어서 타협하지 않고 지켜할 것이 있는데 그것은 사람을 남녀로 창조하시어 서로 배필이 되도록 하신 것이며, 즉 이것이 하나님의 창조 질서임을 알도록 하고 바른 규범이 무엇인지를 깨닫게 해서 자신의 잘못을 스스로 시인하도록 도와주어 치료가 가능하도록 도와야 할 것이다. 그 예로 보편적인 것은 아니나 이요나 목사를 통해서 우리는 충분한 치료 가능성을 발견할 수 있었다. 이제 교회는 동성애를 정죄하는데 에만 그치는 것이 아니라 조기에 교육을 통해 청소년기에 동성애적 성향을 가지지 않도록 하는 교육과 동성애에 대해 올바로 알고 인식하도록 하는 교육, 그리고 실제적으로 동성애자에게 도움을 줄 수 있는 기독교 상담을 통한 치료가능성까지 연구해야할 것이다.
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The last 20th century was the century of the US, although arguable. At the beginning of the 20th century, World War I gave the US a chance to get out of isolationism and become the leader of the world. After this, the American way of producing goods which called "Fordism" has become the most popular and democracy has become the politic that many new-born-nations decided to follow. The challenge of the Soviet Union to the US capitalism and market economic system disappeared as the Cold War ended in 1989. Now, the international society has faced new security environment and various types of threats. New challenges to the US conception of being a single hegemon for the 21st century did not come from nations with boundaries but terrorist groups with no boundaries. The 9.11 terror that stroke the heart of the US became an occasion to change the US world strategy, radically. The original world strategy to be the hegemon for the 21st century post-Cold War was amended and the Bush Doctrine focusing on the revised Win-Win strategy, a policy of deterring weapons of mass destruction, and counter-terrorism warfare, emerged through the Iraq War. Bush's security policies such as counter-terrorism policy, missile defence, and military transformation were promoted by the neo-cons and approved to be right. The Iraq War conducted to counter terrorism had shown us a change of new warfare paradigms. The US started the war in a very difficult situation confronting with internal and external anti-war campaigns as the UN disapproved the Iraq War. Organizing multinational forces, striking the Iraq forces promptly with dominant and advanced forces, and suppressing sporadical resistance forces, the US, however, terminated the war in three weeks of unexpectedly short time. The National Security Strategy of the US has been changed in accordance with external environment. The security policy of the Bush administration was converted from the Clinton administration's third security pattern of a deterrence and a blockade to the forth security pattern of a precautionary deterrence. Hereby, converted from the Win-Win strategy to the Win-Hold-Win, 1-4-2-1 strategy(Defend the US-Deter aggression in four critical regions-Defeat aggression in two conflicts-Decisive victory in one of those conflicts), from the national strategy of Shaping-Responding-Preparing to Assuring - Dissuading - Deterring - Defeating, and nuclear policy from Negative Security Assurance to Positive Security Assurance. New warfare paradigms, emerged from the Iraq War, were the "Shock and Awe" operation striking the adversary simultaneously with overwhelmingly dominant aerospace power, "Rapid Dominance" concept conducting operations synchronously in the air and land, "Effect Based Operation" avoiding attrition warfare by taking away adversary senses, long range attacks with Precision Guided Munitions, network warfare by advanced C4ISR, and joint warfare. The 9.11 terror is not a conflict of civilizations. It is only an international terrorism by Muslim radicals. The prosecution of the counter-terrorism is also not a conflict of civilizations. But one cannot deny its relevance. Institutionalization, therefore, is required to prevent these conflicts and the counter-terrorism conducted by the US should be "Just War." Iraq War is somewhat inadequate in terms of "Just War" criteria. Retaining the hegemony of the US being based on offensive realism has limitations. The US is needed a highly moral approach and the security strategy like preemptive strikes should be reconsidered. What the US has to do from now is to prevent Balkanization of Iraq, secure the leadership of the UN, encourage the spread of anti-war sentiment, prevent the spread of anti-US sentiment, and contain the emergence of militarism of neo-cons. In other words, the task is related to how to create a new model of international order, overcome new challenges as a single super power and retain the self-regarding hegemony. The Iraq War has made a great deal of effects to the security of ROK. Such effects are the reduction and re-deployment of the US forces as a change of the US foreign military strategy, potentiality of military sanctions on nuclear policy of North Korea, and international order newly reorganized and enhanced. To cope with these problems, what ROK has to do is to make a comprehensive alliance between ROK and US firm and gradually construct cooperating self-reliance of national defense. fin
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