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    新羅 國學의 成立과 變遷 = Establishment and Development of Silla Gukhak

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104400300

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Silla Gukhak was modeled on Gukjagam of the Tang dynasty China. Its establishment was initiated by Kim Chun-chu who had visited Tang in the 2nd year of King Jindeok(648) and observed seokjon(釋奠), a memorial ceremony, and lectures at Gukjagam. First, two of the daesa(大舍) and two of the sa(史) were installed in yebu in the 5th year of the king(651), and then the government institution named 'Gukhak'(‘國學’) was founded in the 2nd year of King Sinmun(682), right after the unification.
    The foundation at that time was incomplete. In February of 686, four years later, envoys were sent to Tang to ask for Yegi(『禮記』) and anthologies; in November of 717, the 16th year of King Seongdeok, daegam(大監) Suchung(守忠) came back from Tang bringing a portrait of Confucius with him and placed it in Gukhak; in 747, the sixth year of King Gyeongdeok, the positions of baksa(博士) and jogyo(助敎) were installed in Gukhak and intended to operate its educational functions properly; there was also set up 'Confucius jodang'(‘孔子廟堂’).
    Dokseosampumgwa brought about innovative changes in recruitment system for the Silla kingdom. Some understand that dokseosampumgwa was the graduation examination of Gukhak, but its subjects were different from curriculums of Gukhak and at even lower difficulty level, which suggests that dokseosampumgwa was not only taken by Gukhak students but also by others including individual Confucian students from various classes ranging from jingol to the 4th dupum.
    Allegedly there was a controversy over an appointment to the position of sosu in Yanggeunhyeon the next year after dokseosampumgwa had been first practiced. The sijung of Chipsabu recommemded Jaok to the position, but the Chipsasa(執事史), one of the lowest positions, Mocho resisted that saying Jaok had not been a registered student. Accordingly it would be plausible to consider that it was widely accepted to appoint candidates from Gukhak or dokseosampumgwa as local officials and as central government officials as well. Here, it is noticeable, however, that local official positions were open to those who had studied in Tang.
    The number of students who studied in Tang increased sharply in the later Silla period. They decided to study in Tang Gukjagam, not in Silla Gukhak, because that would made them favored by the Silla government. The more people applied for studying in Tang, the less room was left for Gukhak graduates. At the time, administrative problems with recruitment were serious, judging from an anecdote of Nokjin, who advised sangdaedeung Chungong sick in bed with nervous breakdown of recruitment problems. In the circumstances, the status of Gukhak was low, and dokseosampumgwa was not firmly established. Any person who wanted to be a government official should study in Tang China.
    Meanwhile, Gukhak became important during the reign of King Gyeongmun and Heongang. In the late 9th century, there were some changes with Gukhak: it was renamed 'Gukjagam', and Gukjahak and Taehak were founded.
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    Silla Gukhak was modeled on Gukjagam of the Tang dynasty China. Its establishment was initiated by Kim Chun-chu who had visited Tang in the 2nd year of King Jindeok(648) and observed seokjon(釋奠), a memorial ceremony, and lectures at Gukjagam. Firs...

    Silla Gukhak was modeled on Gukjagam of the Tang dynasty China. Its establishment was initiated by Kim Chun-chu who had visited Tang in the 2nd year of King Jindeok(648) and observed seokjon(釋奠), a memorial ceremony, and lectures at Gukjagam. First, two of the daesa(大舍) and two of the sa(史) were installed in yebu in the 5th year of the king(651), and then the government institution named 'Gukhak'(‘國學’) was founded in the 2nd year of King Sinmun(682), right after the unification.
    The foundation at that time was incomplete. In February of 686, four years later, envoys were sent to Tang to ask for Yegi(『禮記』) and anthologies; in November of 717, the 16th year of King Seongdeok, daegam(大監) Suchung(守忠) came back from Tang bringing a portrait of Confucius with him and placed it in Gukhak; in 747, the sixth year of King Gyeongdeok, the positions of baksa(博士) and jogyo(助敎) were installed in Gukhak and intended to operate its educational functions properly; there was also set up 'Confucius jodang'(‘孔子廟堂’).
    Dokseosampumgwa brought about innovative changes in recruitment system for the Silla kingdom. Some understand that dokseosampumgwa was the graduation examination of Gukhak, but its subjects were different from curriculums of Gukhak and at even lower difficulty level, which suggests that dokseosampumgwa was not only taken by Gukhak students but also by others including individual Confucian students from various classes ranging from jingol to the 4th dupum.
    Allegedly there was a controversy over an appointment to the position of sosu in Yanggeunhyeon the next year after dokseosampumgwa had been first practiced. The sijung of Chipsabu recommemded Jaok to the position, but the Chipsasa(執事史), one of the lowest positions, Mocho resisted that saying Jaok had not been a registered student. Accordingly it would be plausible to consider that it was widely accepted to appoint candidates from Gukhak or dokseosampumgwa as local officials and as central government officials as well. Here, it is noticeable, however, that local official positions were open to those who had studied in Tang.
    The number of students who studied in Tang increased sharply in the later Silla period. They decided to study in Tang Gukjagam, not in Silla Gukhak, because that would made them favored by the Silla government. The more people applied for studying in Tang, the less room was left for Gukhak graduates. At the time, administrative problems with recruitment were serious, judging from an anecdote of Nokjin, who advised sangdaedeung Chungong sick in bed with nervous breakdown of recruitment problems. In the circumstances, the status of Gukhak was low, and dokseosampumgwa was not firmly established. Any person who wanted to be a government official should study in Tang China.
    Meanwhile, Gukhak became important during the reign of King Gyeongmun and Heongang. In the late 9th century, there were some changes with Gukhak: it was renamed 'Gukjagam', and Gukjahak and Taehak were founded.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 曺凡煥, "한국고대사연구의 현단계" 2009

    2 주보돈, "통일신라의 (陵)墓碑에 대한 몇 가지 논의" 9 : 2012

    3 김승욱, "추사 금석학 논문집 ‘해동비고(海東碑攷)’ 발굴"

    4 朴淳敎, "진덕왕대 정치개혁과 김춘추의 집권과정(Ⅰ)-新羅 國學의 設置와 性格을 中心으로" 13 : 1997

    5 채미하, "신라의 오례와 왕권" 도서출판 혜안 2015

    6 전덕재, "신라의 독서삼품과 : 한국 과거제도의 前史" 46 : 2010

    7 이영호, "신라 중대의 정치와 권력구조" 지식산업사 2014

    8 한준수, "신라 중대 율령정치사연구" 서경문화사 2012

    9 고경석, "신라 관인선발제도의 변화" 23 : 1997

    10 김덕원, "신라 國學의 설립과 그 주도세력" 진단학회 (112) : 1-25, 2011

    1 曺凡煥, "한국고대사연구의 현단계" 2009

    2 주보돈, "통일신라의 (陵)墓碑에 대한 몇 가지 논의" 9 : 2012

    3 김승욱, "추사 금석학 논문집 ‘해동비고(海東碑攷)’ 발굴"

    4 朴淳敎, "진덕왕대 정치개혁과 김춘추의 집권과정(Ⅰ)-新羅 國學의 設置와 性格을 中心으로" 13 : 1997

    5 채미하, "신라의 오례와 왕권" 도서출판 혜안 2015

    6 전덕재, "신라의 독서삼품과 : 한국 과거제도의 前史" 46 : 2010

    7 이영호, "신라 중대의 정치와 권력구조" 지식산업사 2014

    8 한준수, "신라 중대 율령정치사연구" 서경문화사 2012

    9 고경석, "신라 관인선발제도의 변화" 23 : 1997

    10 김덕원, "신라 國學의 설립과 그 주도세력" 진단학회 (112) : 1-25, 2011

    11 金昌鎬, "삼국시대 금석문연구" 서경문화사 2009

    12 박철상, "나는 옛것이 좋아 때론 깨진 빗돌을 찾아 다녔다" 너머북스 2015

    13 鄭求福, "개정증보 역주 삼국사기 4(주석편 하)" 한국학중앙연구원출판부 2012

    14 高明士, "韓國敎育史硏究" 大明出版社 1995

    15 李丙燾, "韓國史 古代篇" 乙酉文化社 1959

    16 盧鏞弼, "韓國古代社會思想史探究" 韓國史學 2007

    17 韓國古代社會硏究所, "譯註 韓國古代金石文 Ⅲ" 가락국사적개발연구원 1992

    18 "舊唐書"

    19 金羲滿, "素軒 南都泳博士古稀紀念 歷史學論叢" 1993

    20 劉喜海, "海東金石苑" 嘉業堂 1922

    21 金昌鎬, "永川 菁堤碑 貞元十四年銘의 再檢討" 43 : 1983

    22 "東文選"

    23 "東國通鑑"

    24 "東史綱目"

    25 朝鮮總督府, "朝鮮金石總覽(上)" 1919

    26 葛城末治, "朝鮮金石攷" 大阪屋號書店 1935

    27 朝鮮史編修會, "朝鮮史 第2編" 1932

    28 정호섭, "新羅의 國學과 學生祿邑" 58 : 2004

    29 盧重國, "新羅와 高句麗․百濟의 人材養成과 選拔, In 新羅의 人材養成과 選拔" 19 : 1998

    30 유점봉, "新羅와 唐의 敎育體制 비교 -中央官學을 중심으로-" 대구사학회 104 : 1-30, 2011

    31 곽승훈, "新羅金石文硏究" 韓國史學 2006

    32 申瀅植, "新羅通史" 주류성 2004

    33 李明植, "新羅政治變遷史硏究" 螢雪出版社 2003

    34 李基白, "新羅政治社會史硏究" 一潮閣 1974

    35 이인철, "新羅政治制度史硏究" 一志社 1993

    36 李基白, "新羅思想史硏究" 一潮閣 1986

    37 浜田耕策, "新羅國史の硏究" 吉川弘文館 2002

    38 今西龍, "新羅史硏究" 近澤書店 1933

    39 末松保和, "新羅史の諸問題" 東洋文庫 1954

    40 三池賢一, "新羅內廷官制考(下)" 62 : 1972

    41 金英美, "新羅佛敎思想史硏究" 民族社 1994

    42 李喜寬, "新羅中代의 國學과 國學生 -三國史記 38 國學條 學生關係規定의 再檢討-, In 新羅의 人材養成과 選拔" 19 : 1998

    43 金瑛河, "新羅中代社會硏究" 一志社 2007

    44 金世潤, "新羅下代의 渡唐留學生에 대하여" 37 : 1982

    45 洪起子, "新羅下代 讀書三品科, In 新羅의 人材養成과 選拔" 19 : 1998

    46 李基東, "新羅 骨品制社會와 花郞徒" 一潮閣 1984

    47 田美姬, "新羅 景文王․憲康王代의 「能官人」 登用政策과 國學" 17 : 1989

    48 李泳鎬, "新羅 文武王陵碑의 再檢討" 8 : 1986

    49 조범환, "新羅 下代 遣唐國學留學生의 파견과 그 역사적 의미" 인문과학연구소 (25) : 241-264, 2009

    50 洪起子, "新羅 下代 讀書三品科 연구" 全南大學校 大學院 1990

    51 "新增東國輿地勝覽"

    52 "新唐書"

    53 金相鉉, "文獻으로 본 韓國古代 金石文" 한국문화사학회 (21) : 377-400, 2004

    54 金昌鎬, "文武王陵碑에 보이는 新羅人의 祖上認識-太祖星漢의 添補-" 53 : 1986

    55 車美姬, "崔淑卿敎授停年記念史學論叢" 2000

    56 辛鍾遠, "崔永禧先生華甲紀念 韓國史學論叢" 1987

    57 李丙燾, "國譯 三國史記" 乙酉文化社 1977

    58 "唐會要"

    59 高明士, "唐代東亞敎育圈的形成" 國立編譯館中華叢書編審委員會 1984

    60 王 建, "史諱辭典" 上海古籍出版社 2011

    61 陳新會, "史諱擧例" 文史哲出版社 1979

    62 木村誠, "古代朝鮮の國家と社會" 吉川弘文館 2004

    63 田美姬, "元曉의 身分과 그의 活動" 63 : 1988

    64 "三國遺事"

    65 "三國史記"

    66 "三國史節要"

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