김대중정부의 대북 화해협력정책 : 성과와 한계 = Kim Dae-Jung government's reconciliation and cooperation policy toward North Korea : The outcome and its limitation

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This treatise analyzes Kim Dae-Jung government’s reconciliation and cooperation policy of toward North Korea and suggests a formation and direction of a desirable policy of toward North Korea. This treatise consists of six chapters including an introduction.
In Chapter 1 objectives of the treatise and a review of the existing researches were explained. Also, the method and scope of the research were mentioned. The research method employed here was documentary analysis. And the scope of chronological analysis was limited to the 5 years of the Kim Dae - Jung government. In Chapter 2, we reviewed a functional theory that constituted as the theoretical base of the reconciliatory and cooperative policy toward North Korea. We also considered which aspect of the functionalism the policy tried to utilize. It was found that the reconciliatory and cooperative policy through active non-political exchanges expanded mutual functional networks between the South and the North and thereby ultimately aimed to achieve unification. This we call an integrated theory of functionalism.
Chapter 3 dealt with major points of the reconciliation and cooperation policy including the origin and background of the policy and also major contents, characteristics and strategies of the policy. Kim Dae-Jung government's policy on North Korea originated from the three-phase unification theory of Kim Dae-Jung himself. The background of the policy was the changed environment for unification that was newly formed in the post-Cold War era. Major contents and characteristics of me policy could be summarized as that the reconciliation and cooperation policy would contribute to a peaceful transfer from the confrontational situation to a mutual co-existence in which both the South and the North through exchanges and cooperation would achieve mutual prosperity. The principles of the policy were as follows. Firstly, any military provocation by North Korea would not be acceptable. Secondly, a unification by absorption would be excluded. And thirdly, the South-North reconciliation and cooperation should be actively promoted.
The keynotes of the promoted policy included a parallel promotion of national security and cooperation, the prior realization of peaceful coexistence and peaceful exchanges, fostering of changed conditions of North Korea through reconciliation and cooperation, promotion of mutual interest of South Korea and North Korea, securing international support under the principle of self-settlement by South and North Koreas themselves and promotion of the policy on North Korea in accordance to the national consensus.
The concrete directions of the policy to be promoted included implementation and realization of the South-North Basic Agreement through dialogues between the South and the North, activation of South-North economic cooperation in accordance with the principle of division of politics and economics, the prior settlements of South-North separated families, assistance of food to solve North Korean food shortage, promotion of the hard-water power plant for North Korea without any setbacks and fostering peaceful environment in the Korean peninsula.
Chapter 4 explained about the outcome of the promoted reconciliation and cooperation policy, which among others were regular meetings to be held between South and North authorities and a much more active social and cultural exchanges between the South and the North particularly in the political and economical areas. Also, through the activated exchanges and cooperation of this kind the South-North tension was greatly alleviated, and ultimately there was an outcome of visible changes in North Korea.
Chapter 5 reviewed the limitations of the reconciliation and cooperation policy, which included the dual recognitions on North Korea by the South Korean society, the basic assumptions of the policy on North Korea not correctly reflecting the reality of South-North relations, non-transparency of the policy in its promotion and operation, lack of national consensus, the policy being overly dependent on an individual's political philosophy, external variables of powerful nations in the vicinity, division structure of regions and the composition of small ministerial party and big opposition party, and the Presidential system of the country itself.
Chapter 6 suggested as a conclusion a desirable policy of toward North Korea and the direction of the base preparation of the policy. It can be summarized as follows:
First, it is most important to induce a national consensus on the policy on North Korea.
Second, transparency on the promotion of the policy on North Korea should be increased.
Third, the policy on North Korea should go beyond the domestic political boundary and it also needs to get supra-party cooperation.
Fourth, Policy adjustment between concerned departments in the governments is necessary in advance in the matters of establishment and execution of the policy.
Fifth, the government must try its best to achieve economic development and at the same time a realization of distributive justice and to actively publicize the measured benefits of the continued peace in order to wipe out 'the impossibility of assistance for North Korea' that is widely spread among the low-income class and the new generation. And it also needs to develop a theory to foster a brotherly love for our fellow countrymen.
Sixth, considering the important influence of the press on procedures of the policy determination, the government needs to induce cooperation of the press.
And lastly, we need to have a change of paradigm in relation to perception on North Korea. We have to form a paradigm of reasonable perception on North Korea that could neutralize an extremely radical nationalism and race-centered viewpoint.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 목차 = I
• Abstract = VII
• 제1장 서론 = 1
• 제1절 연구의 목적 = 1
• 제2절 연구방법 및 범위 = 5
• 제2장 대북 화해협력정책과 기능주의 = 11
• 제1절 남북한 환경 변화와 기능주의적 접근 = 12
• 제2절 기능주의 이론의 의의와 본질 = 14
• 1. 기능주의의 의의 = 14
• 2. 기능주의 이론의 본질 = 16
• 제3절 대북 화해협력정책의 기능주의 이론 원용 = 23
• 1. 평화론과 정치통합론에 따르는 전략적 구상 = 23
• 2. 다양한 기능망의 상호 의존성 증대에 따른 장기전략적 구상 = 25
• 3. 비정치적인 교류영역의 활성화를 통한 확산효과 전략 = 26
• 제4절 기능주의적 접근사례와 그 시사점 = 29
• 1. 동·서독의 경우 = 29
• 2. 중국·대만의 경우 = 36
• 3. 남북관계에 대한 시사점 = 38
• 제3장 대북 화해협력정책의 주요 내용 = 41
• 제1절 대북 화해협력정책의 연원과 추진배경 = 41
• 1. 연원 : 김대중의 통일론 = 41
• 2. 추진배경 = 53
• 제2절 대북 화해협력정책의 원칙과 방향 = 60
• 1. 정책목표와 원칙 = 61
• 2. 정책추진의 기조 및 방향 = 66
• 제3절 대북 화해협력정책의 기본 가정 = 73
• 1. 목표, 원칙, 추진기조 등을 고려한 가정 = 74
• 2. 분단 현실을 고려한 안보문제와 관련된 가정 = 75
• 제4장 대북 화해협력정책의 추진성과 = 79
• 제1절 남북정상회담과 당국간 회담의 정례화 = 80
• 1. 남북정상회담 = 80
• 2. 장관급 회담 = 82
• 3. 군사실무 회담 = 85
• 제2절 교류협력의 다변화와 활성화 = 86
• 1. 경제교류와 협력 = 86
• 2. 사회문화 교류 = 99
• 3. 남북한 인적 교류 = 103
• 4. 인도적 지원 및 이산가족 상봉 = 116
• 제3절 긴장완화와 북한의 변화 = 125
• 1. 남북관계의 개선과 긴장완화 = 125
• 2. 북한의 변화 = 126
• 제4절 국내외의 지지 확보 = 128
• 1. 주변 국가들의 지지 = 128
• 2. 한국사회 내부의 지지 = 130
• 제5장 대북 화해협력정책의 한계 = 131
• 제1절 대내적 한계 = 131
• 1. 대북 인식의 이념적 양분화 = 131
• 2. 대북 정책의 기본 가정상의 문제 = 135
• 3. 정책추진 및 전략상의 문제 = 145
• 4. 국론 분열과 여소야대 정국 = 150
• 제2절 대외적 한계 = 153
• 1. 한반도에 대한 주변 4강의 이해관계 요인 = 153
• 2. 북한체제의 특수성에 기인하는 요인 = 156
• 제6장 결론 = 157
• 참고문헌 = 167