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    백제 담로제(檐魯制)의 역사적 위상에 대한 시론 = The Historical status of the Baekje Dam’ro(檐魯) system

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A82571227

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    This article aims to reexamine the trend of research of the past century that has concentrated its examination upon the Baekje dynasty's Dam'ro(?魯: province) system. There has been total of three groups of scholars, whose hypotheses concerning the time of implementation of the Baekje Dam'ro system very much differed from each other. While some of them argued the 5th century as the time, the others claimed the 6th century, and some of them even claimed a much earlier time period.
    In a chronological order, let us take a look at the claim of the third group first. There seems to be three main problems. First, the territorial expansion that continued during the reign of King Geun'cho'go-wang/近肖古王(346~375) does not necessarily mean that provincial administrations were sufficiently developed during this time period. Second, in order to identify the Dam'ro entity as a Seong(城: castle) figure, whether there were some functional differences between these two figures or not, should be examined more carefully in advance. Third, the accounts made in the ' Nintoku-ki(仁德紀)' chapter inside " Nihonshoki(日本書紀)" are rather fictional than factual, so it would be inappropriate to base our determination of a chronology upon it. The third group essentially suggested that a provincial administration system was employed in a very early period, yet close examination reveals that only a Seong-centered provincial administration system-which had emerged since the mid-third century-was existent at the time. The Bu(部: section) units were only ruling the local areas in an indirect fashion, and the Chon(村: village) units were rather natural settlements than administrative units.
    In the meantime, the argument of the first group, which has suggested that the Dam'ro system was deployed in the 5th century, is also based upon the fictional accounts of "Nihonshoki" 'Nintoku-ki' chapter. Also, although it is suggested that the " Wang(王: king)/ Hu(侯: marquis)" system and the Dam'ro system were similar systems in nature, the former system was never used in the kings' dispatching of officials to provincial areas, while the latter system was used in such practices. Therefore they should be considered as two clearly different systems.
    The merit of the second group's argument that should be noted, is the suggestion that the Dam'ro entities corresponded to Eub(邑: town) units, which also suggests that those units and their lands were under direct control of the king. The unitary taxation system which was established through a kingdom-wide census survey that took place during the reign of King Mu'ryeong-wang/武寧王(501~523) served as the institutional background of the implementation of the Dam'ro system. The Dam'ro system also formed the basis of the implementation of the " Bang(方: province)- Gun(郡: county)- Seong" system during the reign of King Seong-wang/聖王(523~554).
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    This article aims to reexamine the trend of research of the past century that has concentrated its examination upon the Baekje dynasty's Dam'ro(?魯: province) system. There has been total of three groups of scholars, whose hypotheses concerning the t...

    This article aims to reexamine the trend of research of the past century that has concentrated its examination upon the Baekje dynasty's Dam'ro(?魯: province) system. There has been total of three groups of scholars, whose hypotheses concerning the time of implementation of the Baekje Dam'ro system very much differed from each other. While some of them argued the 5th century as the time, the others claimed the 6th century, and some of them even claimed a much earlier time period.
    In a chronological order, let us take a look at the claim of the third group first. There seems to be three main problems. First, the territorial expansion that continued during the reign of King Geun'cho'go-wang/近肖古王(346~375) does not necessarily mean that provincial administrations were sufficiently developed during this time period. Second, in order to identify the Dam'ro entity as a Seong(城: castle) figure, whether there were some functional differences between these two figures or not, should be examined more carefully in advance. Third, the accounts made in the ' Nintoku-ki(仁德紀)' chapter inside " Nihonshoki(日本書紀)" are rather fictional than factual, so it would be inappropriate to base our determination of a chronology upon it. The third group essentially suggested that a provincial administration system was employed in a very early period, yet close examination reveals that only a Seong-centered provincial administration system-which had emerged since the mid-third century-was existent at the time. The Bu(部: section) units were only ruling the local areas in an indirect fashion, and the Chon(村: village) units were rather natural settlements than administrative units.
    In the meantime, the argument of the first group, which has suggested that the Dam'ro system was deployed in the 5th century, is also based upon the fictional accounts of "Nihonshoki" 'Nintoku-ki' chapter. Also, although it is suggested that the " Wang(王: king)/ Hu(侯: marquis)" system and the Dam'ro system were similar systems in nature, the former system was never used in the kings' dispatching of officials to provincial areas, while the latter system was used in such practices. Therefore they should be considered as two clearly different systems.
    The merit of the second group's argument that should be noted, is the suggestion that the Dam'ro entities corresponded to Eub(邑: town) units, which also suggests that those units and their lands were under direct control of the king. The unitary taxation system which was established through a kingdom-wide census survey that took place during the reign of King Mu'ryeong-wang/武寧王(501~523) served as the institutional background of the implementation of the Dam'ro system. The Dam'ro system also formed the basis of the implementation of the " Bang(方: province)- Gun(郡: county)- Seong" system during the reign of King Seong-wang/聖王(523~554).

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 머리말
    • 1. 연구사와 그 경향
    • 2. 한성시대(漢城時代)의 지방통치체계와 담로제
    • 3. 왕(王)ㆍ후제(侯制)와 담로제
    • 4. 담로제의 실시시기와 성격
    • 머리말
    • 1. 연구사와 그 경향
    • 2. 한성시대(漢城時代)의 지방통치체계와 담로제
    • 3. 왕(王)ㆍ후제(侯制)와 담로제
    • 4. 담로제의 실시시기와 성격
    • 맺음말
    • 참고문헌
    • 〈Abstract〉
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 武田幸男, "六世紀における朝鮮三國の國家体制, In 東アジア世界における日本古代史講座4" 学生社 1980

    2 洪思俊, "梁代 職貢圖에 나타난 百濟國使의 肖像에 對하여" 12 : 1981

    3 文安植, "백제의 마한 복속과 지방지배 방식의 변화" 한국사연구회 (120) : 2-58, 2003

    4 全德在, "백제의 농업기술 연구" 15 : 1999

    5 文安植, "백제의 王·侯制 施行과 地方統治方式의 變化" 湖南史學會 27 : 2006

    6 盧重國, "백제의 冠制와 그 性格" 17 : 2006

    7 김수미, "백제 초기의 州郡과 檐魯" 韓國古代學會 18 : 2003

    8 金周成, "백제 지방통치조직의 변화와 지방사회의 재편" 35 : 1992

    9 정동준, "백제 관등제의 변천과 의사결정구조" 한국사연구회 (149) : 41-71, 2010

    10 李道學, "백제 고대국가 연구" 一志社 1995

    1 武田幸男, "六世紀における朝鮮三國の國家体制, In 東アジア世界における日本古代史講座4" 学生社 1980

    2 洪思俊, "梁代 職貢圖에 나타난 百濟國使의 肖像에 對하여" 12 : 1981

    3 文安植, "백제의 마한 복속과 지방지배 방식의 변화" 한국사연구회 (120) : 2-58, 2003

    4 全德在, "백제의 농업기술 연구" 15 : 1999

    5 文安植, "백제의 王·侯制 施行과 地方統治方式의 變化" 湖南史學會 27 : 2006

    6 盧重國, "백제의 冠制와 그 性格" 17 : 2006

    7 김수미, "백제 초기의 州郡과 檐魯" 韓國古代學會 18 : 2003

    8 金周成, "백제 지방통치조직의 변화와 지방사회의 재편" 35 : 1992

    9 정동준, "백제 관등제의 변천과 의사결정구조" 한국사연구회 (149) : 41-71, 2010

    10 李道學, "백제 고대국가 연구" 一志社 1995

    11 정동준, "백제 22부사체제의 성립과정과 그 기반" 한국고대사학회 (54) : 261-300, 2009

    12 越智重明, "魏晉南朝の政治と社會" 吉川弘文館 1963

    13 河炫綱, "高麗食邑考" 26 : 1965

    14 忠南大學校 百濟硏究所, "馬韓史 硏究" 忠南大學校 出版部 1998

    15 國立昌原文化財硏究所, "韓國의 古代木簡" 藝脈出版社 2004

    16 姜晉哲, "韓國土地制度史(上), In 韓國文化史大系 Ⅱ" 高麗大學校 亞細亞文化硏究所 1965

    17 李丙燾, "韓國史 古代篇" 乙酉文化社 1959

    18 中田薰, "韓國古代村邑の稱呼たる啄評·邑勒·檐魯及び須祇の考" 16 (16): 1905

    19 李基白, "韓國古代政治社會社會史硏究" 一潮閣 1996

    20 李景植, "韓國 古代·中世初期 土地制度史" 서울대학교 출판부 2005

    21 藤家禮之助, "西晉諸侯の秩奉" 27 (27): 1968

    22 盧重國, "百濟의 食邑制에 대한 일고찰" 23 : 2000

    23 李鎔彬, "百濟의 檐魯制 硏究" 11 : 2002

    24 韓國上古史學會, "百濟의 地方統治" 學硏文化社 1998

    25 忠南大學校 百濟硏究所, "百濟의 中央과 地方" 忠南大學校 出版部 1997

    26 盧重國, "百濟政治史硏究" 一潮閣 1988

    27 金英心, "百濟史에서의 部와 部體制" 17 : 2000

    28 今西龍, "百濟史硏究" 近澤書店

    29 兪元載, "百濟 熊津時代의 地方統治와 貴族勢力" 26 : 1997

    30 田祐植, "百濟 漢城時代 末期 檐魯制의 實施와 展開" 5 : 1998

    31 鄭東俊, "百濟 政治制度史 硏究" 成均館大學校 2008

    32 朴賢淑, "百濟 地方統治體制 硏究" 高麗大學校 1997

    33 양기석, "百濟 初期의 部" 17 : 2000

    34 朴賢淑, "百濟 初期의 地方統治體制 硏究" 20 : 1990

    35 鄭載潤, "熊津·泗沘時代 百濟의 地方統治體制" 10 : 1992

    36 盧重國, "漢城時代 百濟의 檐魯制 實施와 編制基準" 2 : 1991

    37 楊光輝, "漢唐封爵制度" 學苑出版社 2001

    38 津田左右吉, "津田左右吉全集2: 日本古典の硏究 下" 岩波書店 1963

    39 山尾幸久, "朝鮮三國の軍区組織-コホリのミヤケ研究序説-, In 古代朝鮮と日本" 龍渓書舎 1974

    40 延敏洙, "日本書紀 神功紀의 史料批判" 15 : 1996

    41 坂本太郎, "日本書紀 上" 岩波書店 1967

    42 이근우, "日本書紀 神功紀 加羅 7국 정벌 기사에 대한 기초적 검토" 한국고대사학회 (39) : 113-155, 2005

    43 李丙燾, "廣州風納里土城과 百濟時代의 蛇城" 10 : 1939

    44 千寬宇, "古朝鮮史·三韓史硏究" 一潮閣 1989

    45 末松保和, "任那興亡史" 吉川弘文館 1961

    46 松倉文比古, "仁徳紀の構成(二)-即位前紀と皇后·氷室·易名·鷹甘部-" 27 (27): 2006

    47 大脇由紀子, "仁徳天皇-儒教が説く‘仁徳’を体現する理想的な聖帝像-" 新人物往來社 52 (52): 2007

    48 白鳥庫吉, "中田君が韓國古代村邑の稱呼たる啄評·邑勒·檐魯及び須祇に就きての考を讀む" 16 (16): 1905

    49 姜鳳龍, "三國의 地方編制單位와 地方官, In 金容燮敎授停年紀念 韓國史學論叢 2" 知識産業社 1997

    50 盧泰敦, "『三國史記』 上代記事의 信憑性 問題" 翰林大學校아시아文化硏究所 2 : 1987

    51 安秉佑, "6~7세기의 토지제도" 4 : 1992

    52 金英心, "5~6세기 百濟의 地方統治體制" 서울大學校 國史學科 22 : 1990

    53 金起燮, "4세기무렵 백제의 지방지배" 63 : 2002

    54 정동준, "4-5세기 백제의 정치제도 정비과정" 수선사학회 32 (32): 83-115, 2009

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