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    고려후기 복장기록물의 내용과 발원자들 = The Contents of the Optative Documents Deposited in the Inside of Buddha Statue and Their Prayers, in the Second Half of Goryeo Dynasty

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A103558041

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    Since the middle of the Goryeo Dynasty, there was the Buddhist ritual which deposited the sacred objects(腹藏物) in the inside of Buddha Statue, it was prevailed in the Goryeo Dynasty. The sacred objects-fabrics, Buddhist scriptures, five grains and so on-, included in the optative documents which consisted of the optative sentences and papers or fabrics in which name was written. Especially, the optative sentences introduced us the information of when the statue was made, who attended the ritual, how many persons took part in, what religious belief was done.
    In this paper, I'd like to examine the seven optative documents, inherited up to now. There are the fourteen optative sentences and the twenty seven papers or fabrics in which name was written. A optative sentence could be divided in the two form. The first form is that a certain prayer wrote the sentence, then put it in the inside of the statue. The second form is that after a monk wrote the own wish in the paper or fabric, the devotees wrote his name in it. The latter form was the major one. A optative sentence had as few as 30 devotees and as many as 1,000. The difference of devotees between sentences depended on the power of the temple where the Buddha statue was located in and the monk who headed the ritual up.
    The devotees had kinds of classical formation. In one optative sentence, about 50% of devotees belonged to the upper class. In another optative sentence, just 20% of them was the upper class. Through the analysis I confirm the fact, the less upper class persons were few, the more monks were many, on the contrary to this, the more upper class persons were many, the less monks were few.
    It is important the understand the content of the optative sentences. Depending on the kind of Buddha statue deposited the scared objects, the content was different. The optative sentence of Amitabha had the two wishes, one was that he easily went to eternity, the other was that he practiced Zen-Buddhist meditation, went to the Buddhist paradise(極樂), met Amitabha, heard his sermon, found the Buddhist enlightenment, finally returned into the world of mortals, brought all living beings into the Buddhist enlightenment. In the optative sentence of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva(觀音) or Bhaisajyaguru(藥師), the devotees wished that depended on the power of them, got the peace at present.
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    Since the middle of the Goryeo Dynasty, there was the Buddhist ritual which deposited the sacred objects(腹藏物) in the inside of Buddha Statue, it was prevailed in the Goryeo Dynasty. The sacred objects-fabrics, Buddhist scriptures, five grains an...

    Since the middle of the Goryeo Dynasty, there was the Buddhist ritual which deposited the sacred objects(腹藏物) in the inside of Buddha Statue, it was prevailed in the Goryeo Dynasty. The sacred objects-fabrics, Buddhist scriptures, five grains and so on-, included in the optative documents which consisted of the optative sentences and papers or fabrics in which name was written. Especially, the optative sentences introduced us the information of when the statue was made, who attended the ritual, how many persons took part in, what religious belief was done.
    In this paper, I'd like to examine the seven optative documents, inherited up to now. There are the fourteen optative sentences and the twenty seven papers or fabrics in which name was written. A optative sentence could be divided in the two form. The first form is that a certain prayer wrote the sentence, then put it in the inside of the statue. The second form is that after a monk wrote the own wish in the paper or fabric, the devotees wrote his name in it. The latter form was the major one. A optative sentence had as few as 30 devotees and as many as 1,000. The difference of devotees between sentences depended on the power of the temple where the Buddha statue was located in and the monk who headed the ritual up.
    The devotees had kinds of classical formation. In one optative sentence, about 50% of devotees belonged to the upper class. In another optative sentence, just 20% of them was the upper class. Through the analysis I confirm the fact, the less upper class persons were few, the more monks were many, on the contrary to this, the more upper class persons were many, the less monks were few.
    It is important the understand the content of the optative sentences. Depending on the kind of Buddha statue deposited the scared objects, the content was different. The optative sentence of Amitabha had the two wishes, one was that he easily went to eternity, the other was that he practiced Zen-Buddhist meditation, went to the Buddhist paradise(極樂), met Amitabha, heard his sermon, found the Buddhist enlightenment, finally returned into the world of mortals, brought all living beings into the Buddhist enlightenment. In the optative sentence of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva(觀音) or Bhaisajyaguru(藥師), the devotees wished that depended on the power of them, got the peace at present.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 손병규, "호적:1606~1923" 휴머니스트 2007

    2 허흥식, "한국의 고문서" 민음사 1988

    3 김호성, "천수경의 새로운 연구" 민족사 2006

    4 한국전통문화학교 전통문화연수원, "천성산 관음사 목조관음보살좌상 조사보고서" 2010

    5 전통불복장 및 점안의식보존회·불교문화재연구소, "전통 불복장의식 및 점안의식" 2014

    6 정영호, "장륙사보살좌상과 그 복장발원문" 128 : 1975

    7 최연식, "장곡사 금동약사여래좌상의 신앙내용과 제작 주체: 발원문 내용의 검토를 중심으로" 미술사연구회 (29) : 29-49, 2015

    8 신은제, "장곡사 금동약사여래좌상의 복장 발원문과 발원자들" 미술사연구회 (29) : 51-83, 2015

    9 충렬공김방경기념사업회, "씨족원류" 보경문화사 2002

    10 문명대, "수국사 고려(1239년) 아미타불좌상의 연구" 한국미술사학회 255 (255): 33-64, 2007

    1 손병규, "호적:1606~1923" 휴머니스트 2007

    2 허흥식, "한국의 고문서" 민음사 1988

    3 김호성, "천수경의 새로운 연구" 민족사 2006

    4 한국전통문화학교 전통문화연수원, "천성산 관음사 목조관음보살좌상 조사보고서" 2010

    5 전통불복장 및 점안의식보존회·불교문화재연구소, "전통 불복장의식 및 점안의식" 2014

    6 정영호, "장륙사보살좌상과 그 복장발원문" 128 : 1975

    7 최연식, "장곡사 금동약사여래좌상의 신앙내용과 제작 주체: 발원문 내용의 검토를 중심으로" 미술사연구회 (29) : 29-49, 2015

    8 신은제, "장곡사 금동약사여래좌상의 복장 발원문과 발원자들" 미술사연구회 (29) : 51-83, 2015

    9 충렬공김방경기념사업회, "씨족원류" 보경문화사 2002

    10 문명대, "수국사 고려(1239년) 아미타불좌상의 연구" 한국미술사학회 255 (255): 33-64, 2007

    11 이승혜, "불상의 성물(聖物) 봉안-쟁점과 과제" 한국학중앙연구원 38 (38): 32-64, 2015

    12 불교문화재연구소, "불복장의식 현황조사보고서" 2012

    13 송일기, "광주 자운사 목조아미타불좌상의 복장전적고" 한국서지학회 28 : 2004

    14 이분희, "광주 자운사 목조아미타불좌상" 대한불교조계종 성보보존위원회 (6) : 2004

    15 정은우, "고려후기불교조각연구" 문예출판사 2007

    16 이승희, "고려후기 정토불교회화의 연구 : 천태·화엄신앙의 요소를 중심으로" 홍익대학교 대학원 2011

    17 남권희, "고려의 불복장과 염직" 계몽사 1999

    18 김영숙, "고려의 불복장과 염직" 계몽사 1999

    19 권순정, "고려의 불복장과 염직" 계몽사 1999

    20 이데 세이노스케, "고려시대의 불화" 시공사 1997

    21 채웅석, "고려시대의 국가와 지방사회" 서울대학교출판부 2000

    22 라정숙, "고려시대 정토신앙 연구" 숙명여자대학교 대학원 2010

    23 정은우, "고려시대 불복장의 특징과 형성배경" 한국미술사학회 286 (286): 31-58, 2015

    24 최성은, "고려시대 불교조각 연구" 일조각 2013

    25 "고려사 太宗實錄 고려묘지명집성" 한림대학교 출판부 2001

    26 문명대, "고려 13세기 조각양식과 개운사장 취봉사목아미타불상의 연구" 한국불교미술사학회 (8) : 1996

    27 문명대, "고려 13세기 조각양식과 개운사장 축봉사목아미타불상의 연구" (8) : 1996

    28 진명화, "高麗時代千手信仰과 佛畵의 圖像硏究" 연세대학교 2010

    29 이승혜, "高麗時代 佛腹藏의 形成과 意味" 한국미술사학회 285 (285): 71-100, 2015

    30 남권희, "高麗時代 『密敎大藏』 卷9의 書誌的 硏究" 한국서지학회 (58) : 5-54, 2014

    31 이데 세이노스케, "高麗の阿彌陀畵像と普賢行願品" 362 : 1995

    32 송일기, "開運寺 阿彌陀佛 腹藏本 「華嚴經」 硏究" 한국서지학회 (47) : 23-56, 2010

    33 정은우, "西日本地域의 高麗佛像과 浮石寺 銅造觀音菩薩坐像" 동악미술사학회 (14) : 73-93, 2013

    34 수덕사 근역성보관, "至心歸命禮" 2004

    35 菊竹淳一, "對馬の美術" 西日本文化協會 1978

    36 송일기, "守國寺 木造阿彌陀佛坐像의 腹藏典籍 硏究" 한국서지학회 (58) : 119-146, 2014

    37 이선용, "佛腹藏物 구성형식에 관한 연구" 한국미술사학회 261 (261): 77-104, 2009

    38 위젠푸, "中國密敎史" 중국사회과학출판사 1995

    39 허흥식, "14세기의 새로운 佛腹藏 資料" 국립문화재연구소 (19) : 46-58, 1986

    40 최성은, "13世紀 高麗 木造阿彌陀佛像과 腹藏墨書銘" 고려사학회 (30) : 111-151, 2008

    41 정은우, "1388년명 은제아미타여래삼존좌상 발원문의 검토와 의의" 이화사학연구소 (43) : 165-193, 2011

    42 정은우, "1383년명 은제아미타여래삼존좌상과 복장물" 삼성문화재단 (6) : 2011

    43 온양민속박물관, "1302년 아미타불복장물의 조사연구" 계몽문화재단 1991

    44 남권희, "12세기 간행의 불교자료의 연구" 한국서지학회 (17) : 1999

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