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    궁예의 국도 선정과 국호·연호 제정의 성격 = Gung Ye’s Selection of the Capital and Characteristic Establishment of the Name of the Country and Era

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104461040

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    In relation to the country’s name, Marjin and Taebong, there are only a few views from Lee Byeong-do and Park Han-seol mentioned a long time ago and there has been no supplement since then. Lee Byeong-do thought the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin as abbreviation for ‘Jindan’ meaning the whole East. Park Han-seol connected the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin to Jin, the name of Balhae, and extended that to Gung Ye’s intension to recover Balhae, following Lee Byeong-do’s view.
    But, Gung Ye’s desire in building Majin reached ‘Jechuleojin’ shown in 『Han Shu』 and 『I Ching』 more than just implying the Great East. At the point, it is notable that in relation to the character, ‘Shi (meaning begin)’, there is principal that Mokdeok is the beginning based on the Five Elements Co-existence Theory. That is, ‘Jin’ contains quite a strong meaning of ‘Shi’, which sympathizes with the idea that all things originate from ‘Jin’ [Manmulchulhojin].
    Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon and tried to build a new world. And as its justification, he found the representation of ‘newness and beginning’ from ‘Jin’. Country’s name, Majin was a tool to represent the legitimacy of Gung Ye Regime, and he would take the pledge ‘to appear as emperor [Jechuleojin]’ through the character, ‘Jin’.
    Cheorwon was the land of Geumdeok for Gung Ye. His Geumdeok coexisted with Shilla’s, but quite different from that. Gung Ye changed country’s name to Taebong in the 6th year from the foundation of Majin and established the first era name as Sudeok Manse. As a result, his foundation of Marjin and Taebong was naturally handed down from Geumdeok to Sudeok. Finally, Gung Ye handed down to himself, but Taebong means another foundation that Gung Ye’s Sudeok followed his Geumdeok.
    Gung Ye’s first era name was Wutae. I connect the era name, ‘Wutae’ to Emperor Wu of Han who established the first era year in Chungwon. The establishment of the era year, Wutae is in the same context as country’s name, Taebong. Emperor Wu of Han prayed unification and stability of his empire through Taishan-Fengshan (meaning Rite in Mount Tai). Gung Ye’s wish would also sympathize with Han Wu’s awareness in that he wanted to realize unification of the Three Hans. That is, ‘Wutae’ is a representation of Gung Ye’s world view as Emperor.
    Seongchek is the first era name in Cheorwon period. Gung Ye’s authority is represented in the character, ‘Seong (meaning sacred)’. It can be said that he regarded his country and himself as sacred in that he established the era name as Seongchek by adding Seong to Chek (meaning books) in his capital, Cheorwon. He would pray that his dream might continue ‘forever’, which was represented in the ear name ‘Sudeuk Manse (meaning Sudeok Forever)’.
    The Five Elements historical view in dynastic states was a pretext to heighten the legitimacy of a dynasty. Thus, the fact that Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon, changed country’s name from Majin to Taebong, and established the era year implies that the hand down theory above mentioned is combined and the thought of Sumyeong Gaeje (meaning reform of existing system) based on the direct motion theory of Five Deoks is reflected on.
    번역하기

    In relation to the country’s name, Marjin and Taebong, there are only a few views from Lee Byeong-do and Park Han-seol mentioned a long time ago and there has been no supplement since then. Lee Byeong-do thought the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin as...

    In relation to the country’s name, Marjin and Taebong, there are only a few views from Lee Byeong-do and Park Han-seol mentioned a long time ago and there has been no supplement since then. Lee Byeong-do thought the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin as abbreviation for ‘Jindan’ meaning the whole East. Park Han-seol connected the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin to Jin, the name of Balhae, and extended that to Gung Ye’s intension to recover Balhae, following Lee Byeong-do’s view.
    But, Gung Ye’s desire in building Majin reached ‘Jechuleojin’ shown in 『Han Shu』 and 『I Ching』 more than just implying the Great East. At the point, it is notable that in relation to the character, ‘Shi (meaning begin)’, there is principal that Mokdeok is the beginning based on the Five Elements Co-existence Theory. That is, ‘Jin’ contains quite a strong meaning of ‘Shi’, which sympathizes with the idea that all things originate from ‘Jin’ [Manmulchulhojin].
    Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon and tried to build a new world. And as its justification, he found the representation of ‘newness and beginning’ from ‘Jin’. Country’s name, Majin was a tool to represent the legitimacy of Gung Ye Regime, and he would take the pledge ‘to appear as emperor [Jechuleojin]’ through the character, ‘Jin’.
    Cheorwon was the land of Geumdeok for Gung Ye. His Geumdeok coexisted with Shilla’s, but quite different from that. Gung Ye changed country’s name to Taebong in the 6th year from the foundation of Majin and established the first era name as Sudeok Manse. As a result, his foundation of Marjin and Taebong was naturally handed down from Geumdeok to Sudeok. Finally, Gung Ye handed down to himself, but Taebong means another foundation that Gung Ye’s Sudeok followed his Geumdeok.
    Gung Ye’s first era name was Wutae. I connect the era name, ‘Wutae’ to Emperor Wu of Han who established the first era year in Chungwon. The establishment of the era year, Wutae is in the same context as country’s name, Taebong. Emperor Wu of Han prayed unification and stability of his empire through Taishan-Fengshan (meaning Rite in Mount Tai). Gung Ye’s wish would also sympathize with Han Wu’s awareness in that he wanted to realize unification of the Three Hans. That is, ‘Wutae’ is a representation of Gung Ye’s world view as Emperor.
    Seongchek is the first era name in Cheorwon period. Gung Ye’s authority is represented in the character, ‘Seong (meaning sacred)’. It can be said that he regarded his country and himself as sacred in that he established the era name as Seongchek by adding Seong to Chek (meaning books) in his capital, Cheorwon. He would pray that his dream might continue ‘forever’, which was represented in the ear name ‘Sudeuk Manse (meaning Sudeok Forever)’.
    The Five Elements historical view in dynastic states was a pretext to heighten the legitimacy of a dynasty. Thus, the fact that Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon, changed country’s name from Majin to Taebong, and established the era year implies that the hand down theory above mentioned is combined and the thought of Sumyeong Gaeje (meaning reform of existing system) based on the direct motion theory of Five Deoks is reflected on.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 "梁書"

    2 정운용, "金石文에 보이는 高句麗의 年號" 5 : 1998

    3 신호철, "후삼국사" 개신(충북대출판부) 2008

    4 신호철, "후백제의 역사적 성격" 한국고대사학회 (74) : 5-29, 2014

    5 신호철, "후백제의 역사적 성격" 2013

    6 이강래, "후백제의 당대 인식-토대와 지향의 맥락에서-" 한국고대사학회 35 : 5-48, 2004

    7 李丙燾, "한국사(중세편)" 19 : 1948

    8 李丙燾, "한국사(중세편)" 을유문화사 1961

    9 조인성, "태봉의 궁예정권" 푸른역사 2007

    10 이강래, "지역과 교류 그리고 문화" 다른 세상 2009

    1 "梁書"

    2 정운용, "金石文에 보이는 高句麗의 年號" 5 : 1998

    3 신호철, "후삼국사" 개신(충북대출판부) 2008

    4 신호철, "후백제의 역사적 성격" 한국고대사학회 (74) : 5-29, 2014

    5 신호철, "후백제의 역사적 성격" 2013

    6 이강래, "후백제의 당대 인식-토대와 지향의 맥락에서-" 한국고대사학회 35 : 5-48, 2004

    7 李丙燾, "한국사(중세편)" 19 : 1948

    8 李丙燾, "한국사(중세편)" 을유문화사 1961

    9 조인성, "태봉의 궁예정권" 푸른역사 2007

    10 이강래, "지역과 교류 그리고 문화" 다른 세상 2009

    11 신승하, "중국사(상)" 대한교과서주식회사 2008

    12 한국사전연구사, "종교학대사전"

    13 서금석, "조선시대 ‘臘日’과 그 기능" 진단학회 (122) : 89-117, 2014

    14 서주성, "연호로 통해 본 우리 민족의 주체의식" 170 : 1973

    15 서금석, "역사적 추이를 통해본 고려시대 ‘臘日’에 대한 검토" 고려사학회 (56) : 109-148, 2014

    16 곽철환, "시공 불교사전" 시공사 2003

    17 이재범, "슬픈궁예" 역사인 2011

    18 홍창우, "삼국유사의 후고구려 인식" 전남대학교대학원 2014

    19 이강래, "삼국사기의 성격" 24 (24): 2001

    20 이강래, "삼국사기Ⅰ" 한길사 2011

    21 李丙燾, "삼국사기 下" 을유문화사 2005

    22 김일권, "동양 천문사상, 하늘의 역사" 예문서원 2012

    23 김일권, "동양 천문사상, 인간의 역사" 예문서원 2010

    24 이동주, "기와로 본 신라 왕경의 공간변화" 한국역사연구회 (68) : 115-153, 2008

    25 김용선, "궁예의 나라 태봉 그 역사와 문화" 일조각 2008

    26 조경철, "광개토왕대 永樂 연호와 佛敎" 동북아역사재단 (20) : 217-242, 2008

    27 박경안, "고려전기 다원적 국제관계와 국가·문화 귀속감" 국학연구원 (129) : 185-231, 2005

    28 전용훈, "고려시대의 曆法과 曆書" 한국중세사학회 (39) : 193-258, 2014

    29 정선용, "고려 태조의 改元政策과 그 성격" 동국역사문화연구소 (52) : 73-113, 2012

    30 한정수, "고려 초의 국제관계와 年號紀年에 대한 재검토" 역사학회 (208) : 203-233, 2010

    31 한정수, "고려 전기 冊曆 및 曆法의 이용과 의미" 한국사학회 (100) : 493-529, 2010

    32 김일권, "고려 역법의 이해, 『국역 고려사 역지』 역주" 석당학술원 (54) : 99-143, 2012

    33 李成九, "고대중국의 이해 3" 지식산업사 1997

    34 임영애, "고구려 고분벽화와 고대중국의 서왕모신앙-씨름그림에서 나타난 ‘서역인’을 중심으로-" 10 : 1998

    35 盧明鎬, "高麗時代의 多元的天下觀과 海東天子" 105 : 1999

    36 崔炳憲, "高麗時代의 五行的歷史觀" 13 : 1978

    37 조범환, "高麗太祖王建의 對新羅政策" 55 : 2000

    38 "高麗圖經"

    39 "高麗史節要"

    40 "高麗史"

    41 今西龍, "高麗の年號, 光宗年代-高麗史紀年錯誤あるの疑" 3 (3): 1912

    42 "飜譯名義集"

    43 李丙燾, "韓國古代史硏究" 傳英社 1976

    44 유강하, "西王母의 神格에 대하여 - 漢代 文獻과 文物을 통한 西王母의 神格 탐색" 중국어문학회 (25) : 233-254, 2007

    45 "舊唐書"

    46 홍성화, "石上神宮 七支刀에 대한 一考察" 한일관계사학회 (34) : 3-39, 2009

    47 이도학, "百濟七支刀銘文의 再解釋" 일지사 16 : 1990

    48 주보돈, "百濟 七支刀의 의미" 한국고대사학회 (62) : 253-294, 2011

    49 이주열, "百濟 七支刀 銘文의 年號와 제작연대" 동국대학교 교육대학원 2014

    50 金包光, "片雲塔後百濟의 年號" (49) : 1928

    51 배재훈, "片雲和尙浮圖를 통해 본 實相山門과 甄萱政權" 백제연구소 (50) : 201-234, 2009

    52 李成珪, "漢武帝의 西域遠征·封禪·黃河治水와 禹·西王母神話" 72 : 2000

    53 "漢書"

    54 양양, "漢代堯後火德說의 성립과 활용" 전남대학교 2015

    55 "淮南子"

    56 盧明鎬, "東明王篇과 李奎報의 多元的天下觀" 83 : 1997

    57 "東文選"

    58 申采浩, "朝鮮歷史上一千年來第一大事件" 朝鮮史硏究草 1929

    59 "朝鮮王朝實錄"

    60 柳洪烈, "朝鮮獨立思想史攷" 正音社 1948

    61 柳洪烈, "朝鮮獨立思想史攷" 正音社 1948

    62 今西龍, "朝鮮半島國の年號附事大主義一斑" 143 : 1910

    63 今西龍, "朝鮮に於ける國王在位の稱元法" 2 (2): 1912

    64 山內弘一, "朝鮮からみた華夷思想" 山川出版社 2003

    65 "春秋繁路"

    66 "春秋公羊傳注疏"

    67 "春秋公羊傳"

    68 "易經"

    69 李鍾恒, "新羅法興王代의 建元의 背景에 대하여" 1 : 1978

    70 鄭孝雲, "新羅中古時代의 王權과 改元에 관한 硏究" 2 : 1986

    71 조범환, "新羅下代聖住寺와 地方勢力" 55 : 2000

    72 이동주, "新羅 ‘儀鳳四年皆土’명 기와와 納音五行" 역사학회 (220) : 1-29, 2013

    73 "新唐書"

    74 申虎澈, "後百濟甄萱政權硏究" 一潮閣 1993

    75 "後漢書"

    76 박한설, "弓裔의 渤海 收復 意識" 고구려발해학회 13 : 7-, 2002

    77 "左傳"

    78 "尙書"

    79 "宋史"

    80 "周禮"

    81 李成珪, "司馬遷의 時間觀念과 史記의 敍述" 70 : 1991

    82 "史記"

    83 정효운, "古代 韓·日의 年號 使用에 관한 硏究" 대한일어일문학회 (51) : 285-300, 2011

    84 "北史"

    85 今西龍, "光德年代考補" 3 (3): 1912

    86 藪內淸, "中國의 天文學" 電波科學社 1985

    87 "三國遺事"

    88 "三國史記"

    89 김택균, "七支刀銘文에 대한 一考" 13 : 1998

    90 盧泰敦, "5세기 金石文에 보이는 高句麗人의 天下觀" 19 : 1988

    91 정구복, "3 주석편(상)" 한국정신문화연구원 2012

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