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다이캐스팅에서 용탕 유동 해석을 통한 결함 감소에 관한 연구
오창복(Changbok Oh),조태홍(Taehong Cho),박종수(Jongsoo Park),박정권(Jungkwon Park),이호길(Hokil Lee) 한국자동차공학회 2011 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2011 No.11
This study reviewed the optimized manner of a diecasting part to reduce casting detects such as porosities. Molten metal in sleeve was analyzed for the selection of an intended diecasting machine and 2 phase, molten metal and air, in cavity was calculated. In order to prevent molten metal from mixing with air by vortex and initially defective molten metal, fill rate, low and high speed injection must be determined by the grade of the diecasting machine. As known widely, it is verified that overflow or air-vent must be located at the confluence of molten metal and the sudden change in the direction of molten metal affects flow status. Mold needs to determine design through analysis for molten metal flow.
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Sahyang Kim(김사향),Taehong Cho(조태홍) 한국음성학회 2014 말소리와 음성과학 Vol.6 No.4
An articulatory study (using an Electromagnetic Articulography, EMA) was conducted to explore effects of prosodic boundary strength (Intonational Phrase/IP versus Word/Wd), and focus (Focused/accented, Neutral, Unfocused/unaccented) on the kinematic realization of /m/ in the coda (...am#i...) and the onset (...a#mi...) conditions in Korean. (Here # refers to a prosodic boundary such as an IP or a Wd boundary). Several important points have emerged. First, the boundary effect on /m/s was most robustly observed in the temporal dimension in both the coda (IP-final) and the onset (IP-initial) conditions, generally in line with cross-linguistically observable boundary-related lengthening patterns. Crucially, however, in contrast with boundary-related slowing-down effects that have been observed in English, both the IP-final and IP-initial temporal expansions of Korean /m/s were not accompanied by an articulatory slowing down. They were, if anything, associated with a faster movement in the lip opening (release) phase (into the vowel). This suggests that the mechanisms underlying boundary-related temporal expansions may differ between languages. Second, observed boundary-induced strengthening effects (both spatial and temporal expansions, especially on the IP-initial /m/s) were remarkably similar to prominence (focus)-induced strengthening effects, which is again counter to phrase-initial strengthening patterns observed in English in which boundary effects are dissociated from prominent effects. This suggests that initial syllables in Korean may be a common focus for both boundary and prominence marking. These results, taken together, imply that the boundary-induced strengthening in Korean is different in nature from that in English, each being modulated by the individual language’s prosodic system. Third, the coda and the onset /m/s were found to be produced in a subtly but significantly different way even in a Wd boundary condition, a potentially neutralizing (resyllabification) context. This suggests that although the coda may be phonologically ‘resyllabified’ into the following syllable in a phrase-medial position, its underlying syllable affiliation is kinematically distinguished from the onset.
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원어민과 비원어민의 영어 전설 고모음 /i, ɪ/ 발화에 나타나는 운율 강화 현상
김사향(Kim, Sahyang),허유나(Hur, Yuna),조태홍(Cho, Taehong) 한국음성학회 2013 말소리와 음성과학 Vol.5 No.4
This study investigated how acoustic characteristics (i.e., duration, F1, F2) of English high front vowels /i, ?/ are modulated by boundary- and prominence-induced strengthening in native vs. non-native (Korean) speech production. The study also examined how the durational difference in vowels due to the voicing of a following consonant (i.e., voiced vs. voiceless) is modified by prosodic strengthening in two different (native vs. non-native) speaker groups. Five native speakers of Canadian English and eight Korean learners of English (intermediate-advanced level) produced 8 minimal pairs with the CVC sequence (e.g., "beat"-"bit") in varying prosodic contexts. Native speakers distinguished the two vowels in terms of duration, F1, and F2, whereas non-native speakers only showed durational differences. The two groups were similar in that they maximally distinguished the two vowels when the vowels were accented (F2, duration), while neither group showed boundary-induced strengthening in any of the three measurements. The durational differences due to the voicing of the following consonant were also maximized when accented. The results are discussed further in terms of phonetics-prosody interface in L2 production.
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