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김영준 한국동북아학회 2019 한국동북아논총 Vol.24 No.1
본 논문은 불가침 조약의 효용에 대한 기존 연구들을 살펴보고, 국가들 사이에 맺어지는 불가침 조약의 다양한측면들에 대한 논의들이 현재 한반도의 안보 상황에 주는 정책적 시사점을 도출하였다. 불가침 조약 또는 불가침조항이 포함된 조약들의 효과에 대한 연구를 종합해보면, 국가들이 서로 공격적인 행동을 취하지 않겠다고 약속하는 경우, 갈등이 발생하는 경우에 평화적인 수단으로 갈등을 해결하겠다고 약속하는 경우, 높은 수준의 군사적 관계의 제도화를 약속하는 경우에 갈등 방지 효과가 높다는 결론이 나왔다. 이를 바탕으로 미국이 북한에게 기존에제시하였던 불가침 약속들을 분석한 결과, 갈등완화 효과를 기대하기에는 그 형식과 내용의 측면에서 충분한 완결성이 부족하였다. This paper first analyzes existing research on the effect of the nonaggression pact. Secondly, it attempts to draw policy implications for the security of the Korean Peninsula by looking into diverse dimensions of the nonaggression pact. The existing research on the effect of the nonaggression pacts, or pacts include nonaggression clause suggest that conflict preventive effect of nonaggression promise increases when countries promise not to take aggressive actions, when countries promise to resolve conflict peacefully, and when countries establish high level military institutions. After analyzing nonaggression promises made by US to North Korea in light of existing research, this paper concludes that US's previous nonaggression promises did not satisfy conflict preventive elements of nonaggression pact.
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만주사변 후의 동아시아 국제관계와 일소불가침조약 체결 문제
김영숙 일본사학회 2007 일본역사연구 Vol.26 No.-
After the Manchurian Incident, the newly built Manchurian nation, the puppet state of Japan, needed to be approved as a country by other neighboring nations in East Asia. During that time, East Asia was in a very complex relationship with various conflicting interests of each nation. Manchurian nation was striving for international recognition of its existence, China was trying to stop such process as much as possible, the USSR was just starting out the second 5‐year development program, trying to avoid unnecessary military encounter in order to focus on domestic reform, and finally Japan was trying to put an end to the Manchurian incident with diplomatic consent. Since the USSR was acting independently of other countries in terms of diplomacy and also because it was important for the USSR to make a quick transition from its former superficial treaties of nonaggression to actual prevention of military encounter with Japan, there was a possibility for the USSR to approve of the establishment of the Manchurian nation. China did its best to stop the establishment of the Manchurian nation by contacting numerous figures of Japan. Simultaneously, China hesitated to restore its interchange with the USSR and wished to promote the nonaggression treaty first. On the other hand, the Manchurian nation was planning to bring together approvals of many countries on the basis of former consent by the three countries, Japan, the USSR, and France. They had started persuading especially the USSR way before any other countries. However, in September of 1932, the relationship between China and Japan greatly aggravated after Japan’s official approval of the Manchurian nation. China pursued its efforts to persuade the USSR in disapproving of the Manchurian nation. On the other hand, Japanese representative in the League of Nations visited the diplomatic official of the USSR several times to ask for cooperation in the Manchurian nation issue before attending the general meeting of the League of Nations. In fact, Japan was very close to securing an agreement. However, not only the USSR’s approval of the Manchurian nation but also the conclusion of the USSR‐Japan nonaggression treaty failed to happen because of the USSR’s concern for the infiltration of communism and the opposition of the military. Having seen all of this happen, China then, focused its concern on the diplomatic battlefield of the League of Nations. China also quickly recovered its former international relationships with the USSR. The USSR did remain open to the possibility of future conclusion of the nonaggression policy with Japan, emphasizing its necessity. However, the relationship between the USSR and Japan in terms of diplomacy and the Manchurian nation approval issue definitely became a temporary respite. Hence, in the end, China’s tactic to offer an absolute recovery of the international relationship with the USSR was successful in that it did stop the USSR from approving of the Manchurian nation and also let China have the inside track in the League of Nations. International relationship in East Asia after the Manchurian incident was one where all of China, Japan, the USSR, and the Manchurian Nation kept each other in check while at the same time collaborating with one another to achieve their own diplomatic goals.
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조성훈(Cho Sung-hun) 한국선진화정책학회 2010 선진화 정책연구 Vol.3 No.2
본고는 북한에서 바라보는 한국전쟁 기원, 전쟁의 성격, 승리한 전쟁론 등을 통해서, 이러한 논리가 전후에도 지속되고 있음에 주목했다. 북한 측은 한국전쟁이 미국의 면밀하고 계획적인 준비에 의해서 일어났고, 미국에 대항하여 북한을 수호하고 남한을 해방하려 했다는 ‘정의의 조국해방전쟁론’을 내세웠다. 그들은 미국이라는 외세를 물리쳤다는 승리사관을 북한체제를 유지시켜 온 동력으로 활용했다. 한 탈북자의 지적처럼, 북한 주민이 평양 전승기념관과 신천박물관을 역사의 유물로 남겨두기 전까지는 전쟁을 일으킨지 60주년이 지났으나 그들의 6.25전쟁에 대한 인식의 전환은 쉽지 않을 것이다. 전쟁으로 비롯된 적대의식을 해소시키고 한반도에서 평화공존을 모색하기 위해 실현 가능한 방안으로 우선 북한에 있을 납북자와 국군포로의 해결이 급선무이다. 이들의 규모와 생존자의 수를 가장 잘 알고 있는 북한당국은 냉전시대의 대결논리가 아닌 진정한 남북간 화해협력과 인도주의적 관점에서 그들이 문제를 냉전시대의 희생자들이라는 인식 위에 그들의 존재를 인정하고 생존확인과 상봉, 교환가능한 포로규모 등을 논의하는데 적극 나서야 한다. 또한 남북통일을 장기적 과제로 두고, 한반도에서 불안한 군사적 대결을 극복하고 평화공존을 굳건히 하기 위해 남북한 불가침협정을 체결하는 우선 노력이 필요하다. 물론 불가침협정의 체결이 한반도의 평화체제가 수립이 보장되는 것은 아니나, 이를 통해 평화체제로의 이행을 준비하는 것이 필요하다. Through North Korea's recognition about Korean war, its nature, and victory view. this paper found these logics were served during and even after the war. North Korea alleges the Korean war occurred by the United States' well preparations and they fought to defend their fatherland and to liberate South Korea under the righteous national liberation war. They utilized to maintain its regime by the theory defeating United States, the foreign power. As a defector pointed out, until War Victory Memorial in Pyongyang and the Sinchon Museum were leaved a relic of history, though 60 years have passed after North Korea invaded, but their recognition toward Korean war will not be easy to change. A solution to resolve the animosity stemed from the war and to seek peaceful coexistence for the liquidation of the war heritage is the solution of abductees and unreturned ROK POWs issues. North Korea, well aware of the number of their survivors should acknowledge their existence and discuss their identification, reunions, and exchanging scales for the true North-South reconciliation and cooperation on humanitarian issues beyond the Cold War logic of the confrontation. In addition, the two Koreas, having a long-term challenges to unification problems, could seek a nonaggression pact to overcome a unstable military confrontation first and to insure peaceful coexistence on the peninsula. It is necessary for North and South to prepare the transition to a peace regime by signing of a nonaggression treaty not guaranteeing a peace regime,.
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