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      • KCI등재

        The Vulnerability of Numeral Systems in Language Change : The Case of Bantu Languages

        Mreta Abel Yamwaka 한국아프리카학회 2011 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.34 No.-

        Numeral systems are particularly susceptible to different kinds of sociolinguistic changes that arise through language contact. In particular, if a given language is dominant in the area, it is not unusual for the numeral system of that dominant language to replace the indigenous numeral systems of the minority languages, starting with the higher numerals. In examining the numerals, this paper attempts to investigate thirteen (13) numeral systems from four zones in Guthrie (1948): Zone P: Kimakua (P31); Chimakonde (P23), Chimalaba (P23); ChiyaawoTZ (P21); Chiyaawo MOZ (P21); Zone M: Kinyakyusa (M31); Shimalila (M24); Zone F: Kinyaturu (F32); Kinilamba (F31) and Zone G: Kikinga (G65); Kipangwa (G64); Kibena (G63); Chigogo (G11). The paper intends to survey the following aspects: (ⅰ) the morphological realizations of indigenous numeral terms; (ⅱ) their morpho-syntactic structures; (ⅲ) the common numeral terms in the languages selected; (ⅳ) the genetic relations between the languages; (ⅴ) the reasons as to why some numeral terms have survived as compared to others; (ⅵ) the loss of the indigenous knowledge contained in the Bantu numeral systems. In the conclusion, it will be noted that the indigenous numeral systems were even more endangered than the other systems, even if the language itself was not endangered.

      • KCI등재

        Ideophones in Chasu

        Abel Yamwaka Mreta 한국아프리카학회 2012 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.36 No.-

        It can be noted in the literature that scholars seem to recognize the existence of ideophones in their languages, but no one among them finds it easy to define ideophones with precision. They have remained the subject of debate for years. For instance, in earlier works, prior to 1935, ideophones were labeled as ´interjections´, ´descriptive adverbs´, `picture words´ and `onomatopoeic adverbials´ (see Welmers 1973:460). The term ´ideophone´ seems to have been first suggested or coined by C. M. Doke (1935:118). He defined or at least described an ideophone as ´a vivid representation of an idea in sound´. On the one hand, it is maintained by some linguists that ideophones denote a complete utterance and as such have a sentence-like character. On the other hand, reports from other languages (Yoruba, Ewe etc.) disapprove that statement, showing instead that ideophones can be fully integrated into sentences, just like ordinary verbs and nouns. Yet there are some linguists who maintain that the concept `ideophone` makes sense only within the context of an individual language, while others hold the view that ideophones are a universal category. This difference of opinions, is attributable to the fact that languages vary in the manner they make use of ideophones. It is the intention of this paper to firstly, provide an overview of the attempts already made in defining the notion ideophone in some African languages. The definitions provided in the literature vary in terms of scope, depth and precision. The classical and oft-cited definitions including that of Doke (1935) and that of his later works (1967) based on his study of the Southern Bantu languages is reviewed. Other definitions include Kunene (1978) for dialects of Sotho, Moshi (1993), based on her studies of Kivunjo-Chaga, Kimenyi´s account of ideophone (from his Website) for Kinyarwanda, Kulemeka (1997) for Chichewa and finally, Dingemanse (2011) based on his study of Meaning and Use of Ideophones in Siwu. Each of these definitions emphasizes one or two salient properties of ideophones based on phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic characteristics. Secondly, the paper outlines the main characteristics of Chasu ideophones in the light of what has been said about other African languages. Thirdly, it evaluates the contribution that ideophones from Chasu can offer to the existing studies. Fourthly, it holds the view that the definition and consequently the meaning of a particular ideophone are largely determined by its functions in the language. Finally, the paper concludes tentatively that Chasu ideophones are a lexical category distinct from verbs, adverbs and adjectives. They share some characteristics with those categories, but failed most important test of class membership.

      • KCI등재후보

        Mechanisms of Structural Borrowing in Chimalaba

        Mreta Abel Yamwaka,Amani Hamisi 한국외국어대학교 아프리카연구소 2012 Asian Journal of African Studies Vol.32 No.-

        The paper aims to describe mechanisms through which various structural items were borrowed from Kiswahili into Chimalaba. It is an attempt to illustrate how various linguistic constraints seem to determine the borrowing of structural features in a given language contact situation. The primary data for this paper, are based on the research project by Amani (2010) on the Influence of Kiswahili in Chimalaba. There are, approximately 16 structural items borrowed from Kiswahili into Chimalaba as listed in Amani (2010: 58). The main focus is on whether the cases of structural borrowing identified are the result of direct or indirect borrowing and in displaying either of the two, what linguistic constraints are typically at work. Structural borrowing in Chimalaba reveals that Chimalaba has put a stiff resistance to direct structural borrowing, as there are only three items out of 16 structural items that have been directly borrowed from Kiswahili. This has also been possible only in the relevant sub-parts that seem to be more or less similar between Kiswahili and Chimalaba. Most of structural features in Chimalaba have been indirectly borrowed through lexical transfer, constraints of language system and blending. This paper therefore presents indirect and direct structural borrowing and the mechanisms of borrowing used in each category.

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