한국 여성의 정치세력화에 관한 연구 : 스웨덴 사례에 비추어 = (A) study on women's political empowerment in Korea : compared with the case in Sweden

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

In our society, there has been an increase in the number of women labor along, with the high-educated women advancing into the society. But women are still suffering for their marginal Position now, with the patriarchal culture prevailing in our society, and without any social policy to support women for their advancement hi social activities. Since 1990, when the local government has opened its era in our country, arguments on women's participation in politics and policy decision have been active among academic institutes and women's societies: They reveal the political position of Korean women to be so deteriorated that it is impossible to have a practical change without any affirmative actions But the suggestions the studies have made so far have no persuasive alternatives for current policy and asserted cut-and-dried alternatives of improving the election system and enforcing the Quotas.
This study approaches to the problems of social structure beyond the politics itself in which the previous studies remain. The impediments to the women's political' advance are not so much in the election system itself as in the social structure forcing the current gender role. Without any change in the role of women as the chief domestic labor in home and as the subsidiary role in labor market, the best election, system would remain an illusion for women. Therefore, this study deals with social welfare policies, especially concerning women, as well as current political problems. I introduce the Swedish case, as the best social welfare system (particularly for women) and as the first rank in GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure) in the world. In this thesis, I seek for our policy directions from the active role of Swedish government in the equation of women's. social and political advancement with that of men.
For this purpose, the second chapter introduces several philosophers who argue for women's suffrage movement and the concept of political empowerment,
The third chapter has the main agruments in this study and deals with the social and economic backgrounds of women's political empowerment both in Korea and in Sweden. In Section 1, the ideological problems are treated such as fundamental principles for the equality between men and women in each country. While there is a correspondence of the formal(legal) equality with the substantial(practical) in Sweden, the formal equality cannot lead the substantial in Korea. Section, 2 compares family policies in each country, which it is necessary to duscuss for women's social advance. We can see another contrast between the public day care policy in Sweden and the private day care system in, Korea. Also I try to analyse and estimate the woman labor policy such as woman employment policy and maternity protection policy in Section 3. In Sweden, the central government or the local government bears the expense of maternity protection for the full employment policy both of men and of women. On the contrary, Korean government has no equal employment policy inaction, and imposes the maternity protection expenses on the private enterprises to occasion the tendency for them to avoid employing women.
In chapter 4, I show the current situations of women's political empowerment in Korea and Sweden, and discuss the supporting plans to make it possible. What made Sweden taking the first rank of women's political participation are, first; women's active social participation and empowerment in the union, second; the election system of proportional representation, and last; gender-based. quotas system. The fact that women have occupied the average of 2% of the whole representative ever since the Constitutional Assembly launched in Korea reveals not only the worst condition of Korean women in the world, but also the inconvincible injustice of Korean society. So I assert that women's societies which have led the progressive women's movement since 1980 should take a leading role for women's political empowerment and that the gender-based quotas system is necessary as the affirmative action.
Chapter 5 introduces the case of Germany to argue for the constitutionality of gender-based quotas system in order to bring the objection to an end In 1993, the German Assembly amended the clause of equality to end the argument about the constitutionality of gender-based quotas system. As the result, the state has the duty of every possible action to realize the substantial equality between men and women and to abolish all the present inequalities. Along with the legal judgment of Germany, I argue for the constitutionality of gender-based quotas system in our country, interpreting the equality in Article 11, Clause 1 and the governmental duty for the improvement of women's welfare and right in Article 34, Clause 3, through the principle of constitutional unity. The gender-based quotas system is very important especially in the political domain, for the politics could have an influence upon social, economic and cultural positions of women.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 목차
• 제1장 서론 = 1
• 제1절 문제의 제기 = 1
• 제2절 연구의 내용 및 범위 = 2
• 제2장 예비적 논의 = 6
• 제1절 여성과 정치적 대표성 = 6
• 제2절 정치세력화의 개념 정의 = 10
• 제3장 여성의 정치세력화 배경으로서의 여성정책 = 14
• 제1절 남녀평등의 기본 방향 = 14
• 1. 스웨덴- 실질적 평등과 형식적 평등의 합일 = 14
• 2. 한국-실질적인 조치 없는 형식적 평등 = 16
• 제2절 가족정책 = 19
• 1. 스웨덴의 가족정책-공적 영역으로서의 가족 = 20
• 2. 한국의 가족정책-사적 영역으로서의 가족 = 25
• 제3절 여성노동정책 = 33
• 1. 스웨덴의 여성노동정책 = 34
• 2. 한국의 여성노동정책 = 39
• 제4장 여성의 정치세력화 현황 및 지원방안 51
• 제1절 스웨덴 = 51
• 1. 스웨덴의 정치체계 및 여성의 정치적 진출 = 51
• 2. 여성의 정치참여 증가 요인 = 54
• 제2절 한국 = 60
• 1. 한국 여성의 의회진출 현황 및 정치적 지위 = 61
• 2. 여성단체의 활동 = 68
• 3. 여성정치 지원방안으로서의 여성할당제 = 70
• 제5장 여성할당제의 합헌성 판단 = 73
• 제1절 적극적 평등실현조치로서의 할당제 = 73
• 제2절 여성할당제의 합헌성 판단 = 74
• 1. 독일에서의 여성할당제 합헌성에 관한 논쟁 = 75
• 2. 한국 헌법 평등권에 비추어 본 여성할당제 합헌성 판단 = 79
• 제6장 결론 = 83
• 참고문헌 = 86
• ABSTRACT = 91