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    일제강점기 마산지역 사업체와 조선인경제인 연구

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T15388621

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    • 발행사항

      부산 : 동의대학교, 2019

    • 학위논문사항

      학위논문(박사) -- 동의대학교 대학원 , 문헌정보·사학과 , 2019

    • 발행연도

      2019

    • 작성언어

      한국어

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      900 판사항(6)

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      900 판사항(23)

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      부산

    • 형태사항

      x, 250 p. : 삽화, 도표, 지도 ; 26 cm

    • 일반주기명

      지도교수: 김인호
      권말부록: 일제강점기 마산지역 전체 회사DB 등
      참고문헌: p. 237-246

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    부가정보

    국문 초록 (Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    본 연구는 일제강점기 마산의 조선인경제인을 대상으로 원마산과 신마산의 등장 및 산업기반시설 구축, 민족별 사업체 설립 동향, 조선인의 경제활동 실태 등을 종합하여 조선인 경제의 지속성을 확인하고, 이것을 형성하는 내적 동력으로 조선인의 인적 네트워크를 분석하며, 이를 통하여 조선인 경제권의 강고한 지속 토대를 확인하는데 목적을 둔다. 이런 고민을 통해 궁극적으로 그동안 우리 식민지 경제사 연구에서 강고하게 자리 잡은 ‘일본인 주도의 식민지 경제 성장론’에 대한 일정한 비판을 달성하고자 한다.
    마산포는 조선시대 조창 설치와 함께 미곡, 수산물 등의 물자 이동으로 번성하게 되자, 조선인들이 이 일대를 중심으로 시가지를 형성하였다. 1899년 마산포가 개항된 이후에는 각국 공동 거류지가 설치되었고, 러일전쟁을 기점으로 일본인들이 거류지를 모두 차지하면서 스스로 신마산이라 불렀다. 전통 조선인 거주지였던 원마산과 더불어 1914년 府制 실시와 함께 두 지역이 하나의 행정구역 안에 속하게 되었다.
    일본은 ‘한국의 병합에 관한 선언’에서 종래의 개항장 중 마산포를 제외하였고, 이곳을 ‘통제항’으로 재편하고자 하였다. 개항장이 폐쇄되자, 일본 국적의 배를 포함한 모든 외국선은 자유로운 출입이 어려워졌고, 부산세관장에게 신청서를 제출하여 ‘特許’를 얻을 경우 마산포 출입을 가능하게 하였다. 이후 통제항이 된 마산항에서는 곡류 수출항으로 명맥이 유지되어 쌀, 콩 등 곡류 등이 지속적으로 이출되었다. 1923년∼1925년에 마산에는 慶南線이 부설되면서 인근 함안, 칠원 등으로부터 이전에 비해 원활하게 미곡이 집산되자, 곡류중심의 移出港으로 역할은 더욱 강화되었다.
    일제강점기 마산에는 회사 155개(조선인50, 일본인103, 불명2), 공장 116개(조선인48, 일본인61, 불명7), 개인상업체(상점 및 상회) 46개(조선인34, 일본인12)가 설립되었다. 특히, 조선인경제인은 1930년대에 가장 활발하게 회사, 공장 등을 유치하였는데, 그것은 1934년 산미증식계획이 중지되면서 지주자본이 대거 산업자본으로 전환된 영향이었다. 나아가 조선인은 정미업과 주조업에 주력하였다. 마산이 최적의 기온과 수질 등 자연적 조건, 쌀 생산지인 창원, 함안 등이 도시권에 포함되는 지역적 이점을 활용한 결과였다. 반면 일본인은 1940년대에 공업계열의 사업체를 많이 설립하였다. 이것은 일본인이 일제가 침략전쟁을 본격화하며 발생한 전시경제 특수를 누린 것을 의미한다.
    조선인경제인과 일본인이 마산에서 집중적으로 사업체를 설립한 곳은 ‘원마산’(이 중 元町(남성동)과 石町(창동)이 중심)이었다. 이곳은 옛 조창일대로 옛부터 조선인들에 의해 상거래가 활발히 이루어졌는데, 일제강점기에도 여전히 ‘경제적 중추’지역이었다. 당시 조선인경제인은 신마산에 비해 원마산을 중심으로 경제활동을 하였고, 거주지와 사업체 소재지가 일치하는 ‘거주지·소재지밀집형’유형의 경제인이 많았다. 조선인이 워낙 영세하여 함부로 외부로 진출하지 못한 사정을 반영하였다. 이 외에 조선인경제인이 신마산으로 진출할 경우는 일본인회사에 참여만 하고 주소지는 원마산인 이른바 ‘거주지·소재지분리’유형이 많았다. 중앙마산의 경우 생업영역과 거주영역을 일치시키는 ‘거주지·소재지일체’유형이 우세하였다.
    조선인경제인 간에는 ‘동일동리결속’유형, ‘사회단체참여결속’유형, ‘교육동료결속’유형, ‘기독교결속’유형, ‘민족운동결속’유형, ‘일본인회사참여’유형 등 6가지의 인적 결속 모델이 등장한다. 먼저, ‘동일동리결속’유형으로는 元町(남성동), 石町(창동), 俵町(중성동), 萬町(동성동)에서 많이 나타나며, ‘사회단체참여결속’유형에서는 마산구락부, 조선기근마산구제회, 관북수해마산구제회 등의 부원들이 함께 회사 활동을 하는 모습으로 나타난다. ‘교육동료결속’유형에는 마산노동야학교, 창신학교 등 소속교원들의 활동이 두드러진다.
    요컨대, 조선인경제인들은 이렇게 형성한 인적관계를 발판삼아서 마산에서 자신들의 경제, 사회활동을 유지하였다. 이러한 인격적 요소는 결코 자본주의 미발달로 인해 남은 잔재가 아니라, 식민지지배 하에서 일본인에 비해 부족한 자금 및 정보, 행정 지원 등으로부터 조선인들이 생존할 수 있었던 하나의 수단이었다. 더욱이 조선인의 인적 네트워크를 구성하는 요소는 전근대적 경제외적 강제라기보다는 근대적 교육, 운동 과정에서 새롭게 형성된 근대적 결속이었다. 물론, 조선인은 조선인끼리만 ‘저항적’ 인적 결속만을 형성하지 않았고, 자기 자본의 현상유지를 위하여 일본인회사, 행정 등에 참여하며 형성한 친일적 결속도 나타났다.
    번역하기

    본 연구는 일제강점기 마산의 조선인경제인을 대상으로 원마산과 신마산의 등장 및 산업기반시설 구축, 민족별 사업체 설립 동향, 조선인의 경제활동 실태 등을 종합하여 조선인 경제의 지...

    본 연구는 일제강점기 마산의 조선인경제인을 대상으로 원마산과 신마산의 등장 및 산업기반시설 구축, 민족별 사업체 설립 동향, 조선인의 경제활동 실태 등을 종합하여 조선인 경제의 지속성을 확인하고, 이것을 형성하는 내적 동력으로 조선인의 인적 네트워크를 분석하며, 이를 통하여 조선인 경제권의 강고한 지속 토대를 확인하는데 목적을 둔다. 이런 고민을 통해 궁극적으로 그동안 우리 식민지 경제사 연구에서 강고하게 자리 잡은 ‘일본인 주도의 식민지 경제 성장론’에 대한 일정한 비판을 달성하고자 한다.
    마산포는 조선시대 조창 설치와 함께 미곡, 수산물 등의 물자 이동으로 번성하게 되자, 조선인들이 이 일대를 중심으로 시가지를 형성하였다. 1899년 마산포가 개항된 이후에는 각국 공동 거류지가 설치되었고, 러일전쟁을 기점으로 일본인들이 거류지를 모두 차지하면서 스스로 신마산이라 불렀다. 전통 조선인 거주지였던 원마산과 더불어 1914년 府制 실시와 함께 두 지역이 하나의 행정구역 안에 속하게 되었다.
    일본은 ‘한국의 병합에 관한 선언’에서 종래의 개항장 중 마산포를 제외하였고, 이곳을 ‘통제항’으로 재편하고자 하였다. 개항장이 폐쇄되자, 일본 국적의 배를 포함한 모든 외국선은 자유로운 출입이 어려워졌고, 부산세관장에게 신청서를 제출하여 ‘特許’를 얻을 경우 마산포 출입을 가능하게 하였다. 이후 통제항이 된 마산항에서는 곡류 수출항으로 명맥이 유지되어 쌀, 콩 등 곡류 등이 지속적으로 이출되었다. 1923년∼1925년에 마산에는 慶南線이 부설되면서 인근 함안, 칠원 등으로부터 이전에 비해 원활하게 미곡이 집산되자, 곡류중심의 移出港으로 역할은 더욱 강화되었다.
    일제강점기 마산에는 회사 155개(조선인50, 일본인103, 불명2), 공장 116개(조선인48, 일본인61, 불명7), 개인상업체(상점 및 상회) 46개(조선인34, 일본인12)가 설립되었다. 특히, 조선인경제인은 1930년대에 가장 활발하게 회사, 공장 등을 유치하였는데, 그것은 1934년 산미증식계획이 중지되면서 지주자본이 대거 산업자본으로 전환된 영향이었다. 나아가 조선인은 정미업과 주조업에 주력하였다. 마산이 최적의 기온과 수질 등 자연적 조건, 쌀 생산지인 창원, 함안 등이 도시권에 포함되는 지역적 이점을 활용한 결과였다. 반면 일본인은 1940년대에 공업계열의 사업체를 많이 설립하였다. 이것은 일본인이 일제가 침략전쟁을 본격화하며 발생한 전시경제 특수를 누린 것을 의미한다.
    조선인경제인과 일본인이 마산에서 집중적으로 사업체를 설립한 곳은 ‘원마산’(이 중 元町(남성동)과 石町(창동)이 중심)이었다. 이곳은 옛 조창일대로 옛부터 조선인들에 의해 상거래가 활발히 이루어졌는데, 일제강점기에도 여전히 ‘경제적 중추’지역이었다. 당시 조선인경제인은 신마산에 비해 원마산을 중심으로 경제활동을 하였고, 거주지와 사업체 소재지가 일치하는 ‘거주지·소재지밀집형’유형의 경제인이 많았다. 조선인이 워낙 영세하여 함부로 외부로 진출하지 못한 사정을 반영하였다. 이 외에 조선인경제인이 신마산으로 진출할 경우는 일본인회사에 참여만 하고 주소지는 원마산인 이른바 ‘거주지·소재지분리’유형이 많았다. 중앙마산의 경우 생업영역과 거주영역을 일치시키는 ‘거주지·소재지일체’유형이 우세하였다.
    조선인경제인 간에는 ‘동일동리결속’유형, ‘사회단체참여결속’유형, ‘교육동료결속’유형, ‘기독교결속’유형, ‘민족운동결속’유형, ‘일본인회사참여’유형 등 6가지의 인적 결속 모델이 등장한다. 먼저, ‘동일동리결속’유형으로는 元町(남성동), 石町(창동), 俵町(중성동), 萬町(동성동)에서 많이 나타나며, ‘사회단체참여결속’유형에서는 마산구락부, 조선기근마산구제회, 관북수해마산구제회 등의 부원들이 함께 회사 활동을 하는 모습으로 나타난다. ‘교육동료결속’유형에는 마산노동야학교, 창신학교 등 소속교원들의 활동이 두드러진다.
    요컨대, 조선인경제인들은 이렇게 형성한 인적관계를 발판삼아서 마산에서 자신들의 경제, 사회활동을 유지하였다. 이러한 인격적 요소는 결코 자본주의 미발달로 인해 남은 잔재가 아니라, 식민지지배 하에서 일본인에 비해 부족한 자금 및 정보, 행정 지원 등으로부터 조선인들이 생존할 수 있었던 하나의 수단이었다. 더욱이 조선인의 인적 네트워크를 구성하는 요소는 전근대적 경제외적 강제라기보다는 근대적 교육, 운동 과정에서 새롭게 형성된 근대적 결속이었다. 물론, 조선인은 조선인끼리만 ‘저항적’ 인적 결속만을 형성하지 않았고, 자기 자본의 현상유지를 위하여 일본인회사, 행정 등에 참여하며 형성한 친일적 결속도 나타났다.

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    The purpose of this research study is to identify the sustainable Joseon economy by examining the emergence of Wonma-san and Sinma-san, and the status of the establishment of industrial infrastructure facilities, ethnic businesses and Joseon people’s economic activities, and to analyze the Joseon human network as the internal engine for the sustained economic growth, therefore, understanding the solid and sustained Joseon economic power. Ultimately, this study aims to adequately criticize for ‘Theories of the Colonial Economic Growth under the Leadership of Japanese’ that have been firmly established in a research about economic history of Korean colony.
    Masanpo became an urban district of Joseon people mainly around the area, with its affluence caused by the mobility of physical resources such as grain, sea food and others as well as the establishment of Jochang in the Joseon age. After Masanpo opened its sea port in 1899, the common settlement was built all around the world and the area close to Masanpo (Sinmasan) was occupied by Japanese, from the beginning of Russia-Japan War. The area where Japanese dwelled (known as Sinmasan) were included in a single administrative district with Gumasan, that is, the Joseon traditional settlement, with the introduction of administrative departments in 1914.
    At ‘Declaration of the Annexation of the Korean Peninsula,’ the Japanese imperialism proclaimed an elimination of Masanpo out of the existing open ports, and the reorganization of the port into ‘the controlled port.’ With the open port shuttered up, all the foreign ships including Japanese ships had difficulties in entering the port without a restriction. They were allowed to enter there only after submitting a form of application to the Busan customs officer and getting the approval. Afterward, the controlled Masan Port maintained its status as a grain exporting port, where sorts of grains such as rice, bean and so on were constantly exported. With the establishment of Gyeongnam Line in Masanpo from 1923 until1925, rice grains were distributed from Haman and Cheolwon around the port, more smoothly than ever, which made Masanpo play a greater role as an exporting port.
    During the Japanese imperialist occupation period, Masan saw 155 companies (a total of 50 Joseon people, a total of 103 Japanese, a total of two people of unidentified nationality), 116 factories (a total of 48 Joseon people, a total of 61 Japanese, a total of seven people of unidentified nationality) and 46 individual businesses (firms and shops) (a total of 34 Joseon people, a total of 12 Japanese). Especially, Joseon capitalists lured companies and factories most actively in the 1930s, because of the changing pattern from landlord capital to massive industrial capital, with the cease of the plan of increasing rice in 1934. Furthermore, Joseon people focused on the rice-cleaning industry and the brewing industry. This was the consequence of utilizing the regional advantage of the optimal temperature, water quality, and the urban districts such as Changwon and Haman, that is, rice producers. On the other hand, Japanese established a lot of manufacturing businesses, in the 1940s, which means that Japanese enjoyed wartime economic special effects occurring with the Japanese imperialism beginning war of aggression.
    It was ‘Wonmasan (Namseongdong and Changdong)’ in Masan where Joseon capitalists and Japanese intensively established businesses. The area around Jochang district in the past was the one where Joseon people had actively carried out commercial trade from a long ago. During the Japanese imperial colonial period, the area still remained the ‘economic central’ axis. At those times, Joseon capitalists undertook economic activities actively with the main focus on Wonmasan, compared to Sinmasan. There were many business men of the type of ‘consistency of settlement and location’ by which settlement and business location are consistent. This reflects that most Joseon people were too poor to leave outside, without leave. In addition, many of Joseon capitalistsn who would leave for Sinmasan consisting of the type of ‘inconsistency of settlement and location’ by which Joseon capitalists just joined a Japanese company, with the address of Wonmasan being kept. In the case of Central Masan, there appeared the massive type of consistency of ‘settlement and location’ by livelihood area and settlement area are consistent.
    Among Joseon capitalists were emerging the six types of human unity models: ‘the type of same regional unity,’ ‘the type of unity of participation of social organizations,’ ‘the type of unity of education peers,’ ‘the type of Christian unity,’ and ‘the type of unity of ethnic movements.’ In the case of ‘the type of same regional unity,’ it appeared most frequently in Namseongpdong, Chang-dong, Jungseong-dong, and Dongseon-dong. In the case of ‘the type of unity of participation of social organizations,’ it appeared most frequently in Masangurak Department, Masan Relief Society of Joseon Famine and Gwanbuk Flood Damage Relief Society, where members provided relief. In the case of ‘the type of unity of education peers,’ members of Christian schools such as Masan Labor Night School and Changsin School remarkably carried out activities.
    In short, Joseon capitalists laid the foundation on the human relations formed through mutual co-operation to maintain their economic and social activities in Masan. These human elements were by no means the remainder generated by less-developed capitalism but a means for the livelihoods of Joseon people in receipt of fewer funds, information and administrative supports compared to Japanese, under the Japanese imperial’s colonial rule. What is more, Joseon people’s human network elements resulted from modern unity that was reborn in the course of modern education and movement, rather than pre-modern non-economic compulsion. But, there were some pro-Japanese unity-oriented Joseon people who joined Japanese companies and administrative affairs, in addition to those who formed ‘resistant’ human unity only among Joseon people.
    번역하기

    The purpose of this research study is to identify the sustainable Joseon economy by examining the emergence of Wonma-san and Sinma-san, and the status of the establishment of industrial infrastructure facilities, ethnic businesses and Joseon people’...

    The purpose of this research study is to identify the sustainable Joseon economy by examining the emergence of Wonma-san and Sinma-san, and the status of the establishment of industrial infrastructure facilities, ethnic businesses and Joseon people’s economic activities, and to analyze the Joseon human network as the internal engine for the sustained economic growth, therefore, understanding the solid and sustained Joseon economic power. Ultimately, this study aims to adequately criticize for ‘Theories of the Colonial Economic Growth under the Leadership of Japanese’ that have been firmly established in a research about economic history of Korean colony.
    Masanpo became an urban district of Joseon people mainly around the area, with its affluence caused by the mobility of physical resources such as grain, sea food and others as well as the establishment of Jochang in the Joseon age. After Masanpo opened its sea port in 1899, the common settlement was built all around the world and the area close to Masanpo (Sinmasan) was occupied by Japanese, from the beginning of Russia-Japan War. The area where Japanese dwelled (known as Sinmasan) were included in a single administrative district with Gumasan, that is, the Joseon traditional settlement, with the introduction of administrative departments in 1914.
    At ‘Declaration of the Annexation of the Korean Peninsula,’ the Japanese imperialism proclaimed an elimination of Masanpo out of the existing open ports, and the reorganization of the port into ‘the controlled port.’ With the open port shuttered up, all the foreign ships including Japanese ships had difficulties in entering the port without a restriction. They were allowed to enter there only after submitting a form of application to the Busan customs officer and getting the approval. Afterward, the controlled Masan Port maintained its status as a grain exporting port, where sorts of grains such as rice, bean and so on were constantly exported. With the establishment of Gyeongnam Line in Masanpo from 1923 until1925, rice grains were distributed from Haman and Cheolwon around the port, more smoothly than ever, which made Masanpo play a greater role as an exporting port.
    During the Japanese imperialist occupation period, Masan saw 155 companies (a total of 50 Joseon people, a total of 103 Japanese, a total of two people of unidentified nationality), 116 factories (a total of 48 Joseon people, a total of 61 Japanese, a total of seven people of unidentified nationality) and 46 individual businesses (firms and shops) (a total of 34 Joseon people, a total of 12 Japanese). Especially, Joseon capitalists lured companies and factories most actively in the 1930s, because of the changing pattern from landlord capital to massive industrial capital, with the cease of the plan of increasing rice in 1934. Furthermore, Joseon people focused on the rice-cleaning industry and the brewing industry. This was the consequence of utilizing the regional advantage of the optimal temperature, water quality, and the urban districts such as Changwon and Haman, that is, rice producers. On the other hand, Japanese established a lot of manufacturing businesses, in the 1940s, which means that Japanese enjoyed wartime economic special effects occurring with the Japanese imperialism beginning war of aggression.
    It was ‘Wonmasan (Namseongdong and Changdong)’ in Masan where Joseon capitalists and Japanese intensively established businesses. The area around Jochang district in the past was the one where Joseon people had actively carried out commercial trade from a long ago. During the Japanese imperial colonial period, the area still remained the ‘economic central’ axis. At those times, Joseon capitalists undertook economic activities actively with the main focus on Wonmasan, compared to Sinmasan. There were many business men of the type of ‘consistency of settlement and location’ by which settlement and business location are consistent. This reflects that most Joseon people were too poor to leave outside, without leave. In addition, many of Joseon capitalistsn who would leave for Sinmasan consisting of the type of ‘inconsistency of settlement and location’ by which Joseon capitalists just joined a Japanese company, with the address of Wonmasan being kept. In the case of Central Masan, there appeared the massive type of consistency of ‘settlement and location’ by livelihood area and settlement area are consistent.
    Among Joseon capitalists were emerging the six types of human unity models: ‘the type of same regional unity,’ ‘the type of unity of participation of social organizations,’ ‘the type of unity of education peers,’ ‘the type of Christian unity,’ and ‘the type of unity of ethnic movements.’ In the case of ‘the type of same regional unity,’ it appeared most frequently in Namseongpdong, Chang-dong, Jungseong-dong, and Dongseon-dong. In the case of ‘the type of unity of participation of social organizations,’ it appeared most frequently in Masangurak Department, Masan Relief Society of Joseon Famine and Gwanbuk Flood Damage Relief Society, where members provided relief. In the case of ‘the type of unity of education peers,’ members of Christian schools such as Masan Labor Night School and Changsin School remarkably carried out activities.
    In short, Joseon capitalists laid the foundation on the human relations formed through mutual co-operation to maintain their economic and social activities in Masan. These human elements were by no means the remainder generated by less-developed capitalism but a means for the livelihoods of Joseon people in receipt of fewer funds, information and administrative supports compared to Japanese, under the Japanese imperial’s colonial rule. What is more, Joseon people’s human network elements resulted from modern unity that was reborn in the course of modern education and movement, rather than pre-modern non-economic compulsion. But, there were some pro-Japanese unity-oriented Joseon people who joined Japanese companies and administrative affairs, in addition to those who formed ‘resistant’ human unity only among Joseon people.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • Ⅰ. 서론 ·······································································································1
    • 1. 연구목적 ·····························································································1
    • 2. 선행연구 분석 ···················································································3
    • 가. 내재적 발전론에 대한 고민 ·········································································3
    • 나. 억압과 수탈 중심의 연구경향에 대한 반성 ·············································5
    • Ⅰ. 서론 ·······································································································1
    • 1. 연구목적 ·····························································································1
    • 2. 선행연구 분석 ···················································································3
    • 가. 내재적 발전론에 대한 고민 ·········································································3
    • 나. 억압과 수탈 중심의 연구경향에 대한 반성 ·············································5
    • 3. 연구방법 ·····························································································7
    • 가. 분석 자료 소개 ·······························································································7
    • 나. 데이터베이스의 활용과 분석 ·····································································10
    • 4. 연구개요 ···························································································15
    • Ⅱ. 마산부의 형성, 조선인과 일본인의 ‘合居’ ····························17
    • 1. 원마산의 변천과 신마산의 대두 ·················································17
    • 가. 마산포 개항과 원마산의 변천 ···································································17
    • 나. 일본인 거류지의 등장 ·················································································18
    • 다. 마산부의 형성 ·······························································································21
    • 2. 근대적 기반 시설 확충 ·································································26
    • 가. 곡물이출을 위한 마산지역 순환철도 건설 ·············································26
    • 나. 시내 도로망 건설과 급수시설의 정비 ·····················································30
    • 다. 마산포 개선 사업과 매축 ···········································································35
    • 3. 민족별 인구의 사회적 동향 ·························································40
    • 가. 민족별 시기별 인구 변동 ···········································································40
    • 나. 직업별 인구 변동 ·························································································43
    • Ⅲ. 마산부 사업체 설립과 주도세력의 변화 ·····································47
    • 1. 사업체 설립의 ‘민족 차별’ ··················································· 47
    • 가. 시기별 회사 추이와 민족별 특성 ·····························································47
    • 나. 시기별 공장 운영과 주도세력의 변화 ·····················································54
    • 다. 틈새시장 속의 개인상업체 ·········································································58
    • 2. 조선인 기업의 저항과 협력 ·························································61
    • 가. 주력 회사 업종 ·····························································································61
    • 나. 조선인 공장 생산의 특성 ···········································································73
    • 다. 일상생필품 중심의 개인상업체 운영 ·······················································80
    • 3. 민족별 사업체 설립 위치 변동 ···················································82
    • 가. 민족별 회사 위치 변동 ···············································································82
    • 나. 민족별 공장 위치 변동 ···············································································86
    • 다. 민족별 개인상업체 위치 변동 ···································································89
    • 라. 동별 사업체 추이 ·························································································92
    • Ⅳ. 마산부 조선인경제인의 경제활동 ·················································96
    • 1. 원마산 조선인경제인의 ‘노동 집약’경영 ·····························96
    • 가. 옛 조창 지역과 경제적 연속 ·····································································96
    • 나. 지구단위 중심의 경제 규모 ·····································································102
    • 다. 거주지 소재지 밀집형 영세경영 ·····························································105
    • 2. 신마산 조선인경제인의 ‘조일합작’경영 ·····························108
    • 가. 일본인회사에 참여한 조선인 ···································································108
    • 나. 부단위 중심의 경제 규모 ·········································································111
    • 다. 거주지 소재지 분리형 확대경영 ·····························································112
    • 3. 조선인경제인의 중앙마산 진출 ·················································114
    • 가. 중앙마산으로 조선인 기업 진출 ·····························································114
    • 나. 부단위 중심의 경제 규모 ·········································································118
    • 다. 거주지 소재지 일체형 확대경영 ·····························································120
    • Ⅴ. 마산부 조선인경제인의 인적 결속 양상 ···································122
    • 1. 지연 기반의 인적 결속 양상 ·····················································122
    • 가. 동일동리결속 유형 ·····················································································122
    • 나. 사회단체참여결속 유형 ·············································································132
    • 다. 교육동료결속 유형 ·····················································································144
    • 라. 기독교결속 유형 ·························································································150
    • 마. 민족운동결속 유형 ·····················································································152
    • 바. 일본인회사참여 유형 ·················································································157
    • 2. 회사별 인적 결속 양상 ·······························································162
    • 가. 마산정미소(주) 사례 ···················································································162
    • 나. 마산창고(주) 사례 ·······················································································167
    • 다. 원동무역(주) 사례 ·······················································································172
    • 라. 산업금융(주) 사례 ·······················································································177
    • 마. 마산합동운수(주) 사례 ···············································································180
    • 바. 마산협동(합자) 사례 ···················································································184
    • 3. 개인별 인적 결속 양상 ·······························································185
    • 가. 인적 결속의 전체상 ·················································································185
    • 나. 인적 결속의 중첩성 ···················································································187
    • Ⅵ. 결론 ···································································································195
    • 1. 요약 ·································································································195
    • 2. 전망 ·································································································199
    • 부록 ··········································································································201
    • 참고문헌 ··································································································237
    • Abstract ····································································································247
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

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    2. 『鄕土の調査』, 上原 榮, 마산교육회, , 1933

    3. 『마산개항백년사』, 마산개항백년사편찬위원회, 마산시, , 1999

    4. 황경식 역, 『정의론』, 존 롤즈, 이학사, , 2003

    5. 『마산 창원 역사읽기』, 마산창원지역사연구회, 불휘, , 2003

    6. 『일제의 식민지배와 일상새활』, 연세대학교 국학연구원, 혜안, , 2004

    7. 『전통도시의 식민지적 근대화』, 허정도, 신서원, , 2005

    8. 김수행 역, 『자본론Ⅰ (상), (하)』, 칼 맑스, 비봉출판사, , 2015

    9. 「1930년대 朝鮮工業化와 中小工業」, 전우용, 『韓國史論』(23), 서울대학교 인문대학 국사학과,, , 1990

    10. 이용우 역, 『극단의 시대 (상), (하)』, 에릭 홉스봄, 까치, , 2009

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