RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색

인기 검색어

    다국어 입력

    http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

    변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

    예시)
    • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
    • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
    닫기

    한국의 현대 정치적 지역주의 : 신제도주의적 관점을 중심으로 = Political regionalism of modern Korea : focused on new institutionalist viewpoint

    한글로보기

    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T11471223

    • 저자
    • 발행사항

      부산 : 부산대학교, 2008

    • 학위논문사항

      학위논문(박사) -- 부산대학교 대학원 , 정치외교학과 , 2008

    • 발행연도

      2008

    • 작성언어

      한국어

    • KDC

      340.911 판사항(4)

    • DDC

      320.9519 판사항(21)

    • 발행국(도시)

      부산

    • 형태사항

      vi, 187 p. : 도표 ; 26 cm

    • 일반주기명

      참고문헌: p. 169-185

    • DOI식별코드
    • 소장기관
      • 국립중앙도서관 국립중앙도서관 우편복사 서비스
      • 부산대학교 중앙도서관 소장기관정보
    • 0

      상세조회
    • 0

      다운로드
    서지정보 열기
    • 내보내기
    • 내책장담기
    • 공유하기
    • 오류접수

    부가정보

    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Since the democratization in 1987, regionalism has occupied the status as the most explanatory factor of Korean politics. It has served as a fortress for democratic forces or opposition parties, resulting in the conditions in which opposition parties overwhelmed ruling parties in terms of the number of the elected. Unfortunately it has also revealed several dilemmas: political parties become personalized; voters and candidates have been thwarted to have free choice; and local politics were taken as hostage for the political power game.
    It is assumed that several culprits have plotted to bring about the pathological symptoms. Social, cultural and economic, mostly political institutions played key roles in the process. Political elites also jumped on the wagon, employing a strategy of ‘optimization.’ Finally it is a product of passive correspondence, namely the product of the reaction of voters, who are under many limits, which are called the bounded rationality. From this aspect, it seems feasible that new institutionalist viewpoint is needed to explicate the process allowing the regionalism to emerge and the subsequent events. It is because the approach itself utilizes the influence of institutions and autonomous choices of actors in the Korean politics.
    After a research, it was found out that political factors such as political environment, election system, and political party system are the very ones that have affected regionalism more than anything else. Lopsided recruitment of political elites and economic development have also enabled a political circumstance, the one that political parties too heavily depend on certain areas for their political clout that in turn have served as a material foundation of the confrontation of two provinces, ‘Yeong Nam,’ and ‘Ho Nam,’ the two southern parts of the country. Along with it, regionalism have played a key role as an ideology to activate such political institutions. Yet, it was revealed that the fissure between the metropolitan and the non-metropolitan areas was much wider than that of the Yeong Nam and Ho Nam, revealing that it is the deep bottom of the Korean regionalism. It shows that political regionalism has settled down as an ideology of the political forces that oppose sociial, economic and political centralization.
    Meanwhile, political elites make their existence as reasonable actors. This leads them to much heavier responsibility in that they have appealed to regional sentiment as a viable method to win votes. At the same time, voters are not free from the outcome either since they have not used their own discretion to discriminate the gimmicks.
    Therefore, following measures are believed to be vital to overcome the political predicaments: the isolated voters and free-riding political leaders: guaranteeing trust and cooperation for political leaders, and punishment overriding the benefits of complacency for voters
    Although the measures put a heavy burden on the Korean society as a whole, they would be the way for the members to learn of democratic procedures at the lowest cost.
    번역하기

    Since the democratization in 1987, regionalism has occupied the status as the most explanatory factor of Korean politics. It has served as a fortress for democratic forces or opposition parties, resulting in the conditions in which opposition parties ...

    Since the democratization in 1987, regionalism has occupied the status as the most explanatory factor of Korean politics. It has served as a fortress for democratic forces or opposition parties, resulting in the conditions in which opposition parties overwhelmed ruling parties in terms of the number of the elected. Unfortunately it has also revealed several dilemmas: political parties become personalized; voters and candidates have been thwarted to have free choice; and local politics were taken as hostage for the political power game.
    It is assumed that several culprits have plotted to bring about the pathological symptoms. Social, cultural and economic, mostly political institutions played key roles in the process. Political elites also jumped on the wagon, employing a strategy of ‘optimization.’ Finally it is a product of passive correspondence, namely the product of the reaction of voters, who are under many limits, which are called the bounded rationality. From this aspect, it seems feasible that new institutionalist viewpoint is needed to explicate the process allowing the regionalism to emerge and the subsequent events. It is because the approach itself utilizes the influence of institutions and autonomous choices of actors in the Korean politics.
    After a research, it was found out that political factors such as political environment, election system, and political party system are the very ones that have affected regionalism more than anything else. Lopsided recruitment of political elites and economic development have also enabled a political circumstance, the one that political parties too heavily depend on certain areas for their political clout that in turn have served as a material foundation of the confrontation of two provinces, ‘Yeong Nam,’ and ‘Ho Nam,’ the two southern parts of the country. Along with it, regionalism have played a key role as an ideology to activate such political institutions. Yet, it was revealed that the fissure between the metropolitan and the non-metropolitan areas was much wider than that of the Yeong Nam and Ho Nam, revealing that it is the deep bottom of the Korean regionalism. It shows that political regionalism has settled down as an ideology of the political forces that oppose sociial, economic and political centralization.
    Meanwhile, political elites make their existence as reasonable actors. This leads them to much heavier responsibility in that they have appealed to regional sentiment as a viable method to win votes. At the same time, voters are not free from the outcome either since they have not used their own discretion to discriminate the gimmicks.
    Therefore, following measures are believed to be vital to overcome the political predicaments: the isolated voters and free-riding political leaders: guaranteeing trust and cooperation for political leaders, and punishment overriding the benefits of complacency for voters
    Although the measures put a heavy burden on the Korean society as a whole, they would be the way for the members to learn of democratic procedures at the lowest cost.

    더보기

    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 제1장 서 론 1
    • 제1절 문제제기 1
    • 제2절 연구의 내용과 방법 6
    • 1. 기존의 연구와 그 한계 6
    • 제1장 서 론 1
    • 제1절 문제제기 1
    • 제2절 연구의 내용과 방법 6
    • 1. 기존의 연구와 그 한계 6
    • 2. 연구의 방법 및 내용 12
    • 제2장 정치적 지역주의에 대한 신제도주의적 관점 모색 16
    • 제1절 행위자의 합리적 선택과 정치적 지역주의 분석 16
    • 1. 행위자의 합리성과 그 한계 16
    • 2. 정치적 지역주의 분석의 적용 가능성 23
    • 제2절 신제도주의와 정치적 지역주의 분석 26
    • 1. 신제도주의 논의에서 제도의 의미 28
    • 2. 제도의 변화와 정치적 지역주의 33
    • 제3절 정치적 지역주의의 신제도주의적 분석틀 37
    • 1. 정치적 지역주의에 대한 개념적 통제 37
    • 2. 행위자와 제도의 관계 모형 42
    • 제3장 정치적 지역주의의 제도 분석 48
    • 제1절 사회·문화·경제적 요인 48
    • 1. 지역감정 48
    • 2. 엘리트 충원 61
    • 3. 경제 개발 72
    • 4. 소결론 83
    • 제2절 정치적 요인 87
    • 1. 정치환경 87
    • 2. 선거제도 99
    • 3. 정당체제 106
    • 4. 소결론 116
    • 제4장 정치적 지역주의의 행위자 분석 120
    • 제1절 정치엘리트 요인 120
    • 1. 대선 후보자와 정치적 지역주의 1기 120
    • 2. 대선 후보자와 정치적 지역주의 2기 124
    • 3. 대선 후보자와 정치적 지역주의 3기 128
    • 4. 소결론 132
    • 제2절 유권자 요인 133
    • 1. 정치적 지역주의 1기의 유권자 133
    • 2. 정치적 지역주의 2기의 유권자 135
    • 3. 정치적 지역주의 3기의 유권자 137
    • 4. 소결론 138
    • 제5장 정치적 지역주의 해소 가능성 모색 140
    • 제1절 국가구조 144
    • 1. 양원제 144
    • 2. 국가 및 지방 차원의 기구 신설 147
    • 제2절 선거제도 및 정당제도 149
    • 1. 결선투표제 150
    • 2. 중선거구제 153
    • 3. 비례대표제 155
    • 4. 정당 개혁 159
    • 제6장 결 론 162
    • 참고문헌 169
    • Abstract 186
    더보기

    분석정보

    View

    상세정보조회

    0

    Usage

    원문다운로드

    0

    대출신청

    0

    복사신청

    0

    EDDS신청

    0

    동일 주제 내 활용도 TOP

    더보기

    주제

    연도별 연구동향

    연도별 활용동향

    연관논문

    연구자 네트워크맵

    공동연구자 (7)

    유사연구자 (20) 활용도상위20명

    이 자료와 함께 이용한 RISS 자료

    나만을 위한 추천자료

    해외이동버튼