Democratization and Politics of Trasformismo : Explaining the 1990 Three-Party Merger in South Korea

Kwon, Hyeokyong Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2017 Analyses & alternatives Vol.1 No.2

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 -

Kim, Jaekwan Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 Analyses & alternatives Vol.4 No.1

This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

Politics of State-led Microcredit under the Lee Myung-bak Administration: State Autonomy, Capacity, and Outcomes

Choi, Jongho,Jung, Heon Joo Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 Analyses & alternatives Vol.4 No.1

In the 2000s, financial exclusion of low-income people emerged as a major social problem in South Korea. Microcredit business was first introduced by NGOs to help the poor overcome poverty while the Korean government soon chose to initiate microcredit policies to assist financially marginalized low-income people as a key policy measure to alleviate social inequality and revitalize economy. Unlike the initial expectation that state intervention in microcredit industry would be more effective, the outcome has been much less impressive. This paper aims to examine the poor performance of state-led microcredit in South Korea during the period of Lee Myung-bak administration by employing the concepts of state autonomy and capacity. It finds that the state autonomy, a key characteristic of a developmental state, was high in the sense that the funds had been raised in the face of strong resistance from private financial institutions. Lack of state capacity such as low technocratic expertise and politicization of microcredit policy, however, turned out to be a major stumbling block to the state-led microcredit in South Korea. This study shows that although the Korean government still has strong willingness to intervene in the financial market even in the face of interest groups' opposition, the eventual success of state action largely depends on its capacity to effectively implement financial policies.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 -

Kim, Jaekwan Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 분석과 대안 Vol.4 No.1

This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

The Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Income Inequality and Growth in South Korea

Hwang, Wonjae,Jo, Jungin Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2021 Analyses & alternatives Vol.5 No.2

Does Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) exacerbate income inequality in South Korea? If so, does rising income inequality come for the sake of economic growth? This study explores the impact of FDI on income inequality and growth in South Korea. To this end, we collect data on FDI and income inequality/economic growth at both national and provincial levels and empirically test their relationships in South Korea. The empirical results confirm our expectation that FDI magnifies income inequality. Furthermore, we fail to find a positive relationship between FDI and economic growth, implying that income inequality as a consequence of FDI does not come for the sake of economic growth in Korea. Findings suggest that more systematic research and nuanced policy design is necessary to circumvent the mechanisms at play that link the surge of FDI inflows and the exponential expansion of economic inequality.

Domestic Constraints of Sino-South Korean Environmental Cooperation: the Case of Trans boundary Air Pollution

Shin, Sangbum,Kim, Soelah,Kang, Myeongji Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2022 Analyses & alternatives Vol.6 No.1

A transboundary environmental problem refers to an environmental problem that goes beyond a country's territory and damages neighboring countries. It is a difficult problem because, basically, it is a natural, rather than intentional, effect, and it is extremely hard to make a scientific consensus on the cause-effect relations between upstream and downstream nations. Air pollution, especially PM 2.5 and PM 10, is one of the typical cases of transboundary environmental problems in the Northeast Asia. This paper analyzes the constraints of environmental cooperation between China and South Korea to address transboundary air pollution issue. It argues that lack of trust and ideological hostility, rather than, scientific uncertainty, is the biggest obstacle for effective cooperation, and these hostile discourses and ideas are mostly generated by media in the downstream nation, the South Korea. In order to identify how South Korean media frames this issue, this paper searched newspaper articles in the six representative South Korean newspapers during the period of 2014 and 2020, and analyzed about 2,000 articles selected. It finds that South Korean media has framed the transboundary air pollution as a China bashing and related domestic political cleavage issue, while it neglects to show the cooperation attempts that the two countries have made to date. Also, while the media focuses on China hate frame, it has never reported the Chinese government's domestic policies to reduce air pollution and their results. Media's overuse of hate and blame frames not only has disrupted trust building but also it will delay a possible turning point of environmental cooperation between the two countries in the future.

構造変動期の日朝関係と韓国-南北関係との因果性に注目 しながら

Park, Jungjin Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2018 Analyses & alternatives Vol.2 No.1

This paper aims to elucidate the historical significance and issues about DPRK-Japan relations in terms of the Korean Peninsula-Japan relations. The first issue is the 'Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea', and DPRK-Japan relations during the Cold War. The Relations Order between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, of 1965 ("65 Order), was closely linked with inter-Korean relations. The second issue is a critical re-interpretation of previous studies on the Stockholm agreement. Previous studies have focused on analyzing the question "Why did North Korea and Japan agree to Stockholm?", In other words, what was the intention of North Korea and Japan in Stockholm? This paper adds to raise the question of "How Did the Stockholm can be agreed?", to critically review the analysis performed by the previous studies. Through the analysis of this question, this paper reveals that the relationship between North Korea and Japan is on the qualitative change. And, based on this analysis, this paper argue that the South Korean government should attempt more active engagement and deploy more comprehensive approach to improve the relationship between North Korea and Japan.

Politics of State-led Microcredit under the Lee Myung-bak Administration: State Autonomy, Capacity, and Outcomes

Choi, Jongho,Jung, Heon Joo Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2020 분석과 대안 Vol.4 No.1

In the 2000s, financial exclusion of low-income people emerged as a major social problem in South Korea. Microcredit business was first introduced by NGOs to help the poor overcome poverty while the Korean government soon chose to initiate microcredit policies to assist financially marginalized low-income people as a key policy measure to alleviate social inequality and revitalize economy. Unlike the initial expectation that state intervention in microcredit industry would be more effective, the outcome has been much less impressive. This paper aims to examine the poor performance of state-led microcredit in South Korea during the period of Lee Myung-bak administration by employing the concepts of state autonomy and capacity. It finds that the state autonomy, a key characteristic of a developmental state, was high in the sense that the funds had been raised in the face of strong resistance from private financial institutions. Lack of state capacity such as low technocratic expertise and politicization of microcredit policy, however, turned out to be a major stumbling block to the state-led microcredit in South Korea. This study shows that although the Korean government still has strong willingness to intervene in the financial market even in the face of interest groups' opposition, the eventual success of state action largely depends on its capacity to effectively implement financial policies.

Domestic Constraints of Sino-South Korean Environmental Cooperation: the Case of Trans boundary Air Pollution

Shin, Sangbum,Kim, Soelah,Kang, Myeongji Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2022 분석과 대안 Vol.6 No.1

A transboundary environmental problem refers to an environmental problem that goes beyond a country's territory and damages neighboring countries. It is a difficult problem because, basically, it is a natural, rather than intentional, effect, and it is extremely hard to make a scientific consensus on the cause-effect relations between upstream and downstream nations. Air pollution, especially PM 2.5 and PM 10, is one of the typical cases of transboundary environmental problems in the Northeast Asia. This paper analyzes the constraints of environmental cooperation between China and South Korea to address transboundary air pollution issue. It argues that lack of trust and ideological hostility, rather than, scientific uncertainty, is the biggest obstacle for effective cooperation, and these hostile discourses and ideas are mostly generated by media in the downstream nation, the South Korea. In order to identify how South Korean media frames this issue, this paper searched newspaper articles in the six representative South Korean newspapers during the period of 2014 and 2020, and analyzed about 2,000 articles selected. It finds that South Korean media has framed the transboundary air pollution as a China bashing and related domestic political cleavage issue, while it neglects to show the cooperation attempts that the two countries have made to date. Also, while the media focuses on China hate frame, it has never reported the Chinese government's domestic policies to reduce air pollution and their results. Media's overuse of hate and blame frames not only has disrupted trust building but also it will delay a possible turning point of environmental cooperation between the two countries in the future.

College Hierarchy and the Labor Market in Korea: Changes in the Wage Premium of College Hierarchy over Several Decades

김진영,Kim, Jin-Yeong Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2022 Analyses & alternatives Vol.6 No.1

이 논문은 대학서열에 따른 임금차이를 학벌 프리미엄으로 정의하고 1982년, 1992년, 2002년 대학졸업자들의 노동시장 경력과 학교생활에 대한 정보를 담은 「교육-노동시장 생애경로조사」를 바탕으로 학벌 프리미엄의 시대별 경력별 변화를 살펴본다. 학벌 프리미엄은 졸업연도와 졸업 후 시점에 따른 다른 양상을 보인다. 대체로 졸업 후 시간이 지남에 따라 학벌프리미엄이 감소하는 경향이 있으며 경력이 오래될수록 학벌 프리미엄은 감소하는 모습을 보인다. 또한 입학성적을 고려하였을 경우 1992년 졸업자들의 학벌 프리미엄은 사라지지만 2002년 졸업자들의 학벌프리미엄은 입직 시는 물론 졸업 후 7년 지난 시점에서 남아있는 것으로 나타났다. 학벌 프리미엄에서 보이는 세대별 차이에 대해서는 적어도 부분적으로 대학 수, 대학진학률, 입학성적과 대학서열 사이의 관계 등으로 설명할 수 있는 것으로 보인다. In this paper we define wage premium of college hierarchy as a wage differential among college graduates from different universities within the same graduate cohort and estimate the wage premium of college hierarchy for the three different cohorts: namely, 1982, 1992, and 2002. We utilize a unique data set called Education-Labor Market Lifetime Path Survey, which contains education and labor market information about the three different college graduate cohorts. We find that the wage premium of college hierarchy changes over time for the same cohort. It tends to large right after graduation but decrease with labor market experience. When the test score at the time of college entrance controlled, the wage premium of college hierarchy mostly disappears for the 1992 cohort. But for the 2002 cohort it remains seven years after graduation. The difference in the wage premium of college hierarchy can be explained, at least partly, by the number of colleges, college enrollment ratio, and the relation between college hierarchy and the entrance test score.