Korean NPIs Scope over Negation

Sells, Peter,Kim, Shin-Sook 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2006 語學硏究 Vol.42 No.2

In this paper we argue that Korean negative polarity items (NPIs) are interpreted above the scope of negation, in contrast to NPIs in English which are interpreted within the scope of negation. On the syntactic side, we argue that the grammar of Korean requires a syntactic licensing mechanism, to constrain the distribution of NPIs to only negative clauses. On the semantic side, we show that the semantic relation between an NPI and negation is itself constrained by a generalized version of the Immediate Scope Constraint (proposed by Linebarger (1987)), which requires that no other scopal element intervenes between an NPI and negation, regardless of their relative scopes.

[+Topic]-driven EPP Satisfaction in the Acquisition of English by Korean Speakers

So-Young Kim 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2007 語學硏究 Vol.43 No.1

In the L2 English acquisition, those who originate from topic-prominent languages easily learn the EPP requirement (Yuan 1997). The present study tested the hypothesis that the EPP acquisition is facilitated by the L1 [+topic] feature. I administered grammaticality judgment tasks to 155 Korean EFL learners and 20 native English-speaking controls. Each test sentence included an NS (null subject) either with or without a topic, where an NS was either referential or expletive. The response choice was a 4-point rank scale, and data were analyzed using non-parametric Kruskal-Wallis tests, followed by ScheffIJ post-hoc tests. Results showed that the learners had difficulties in detecting the ungrammaticality of an NS with a topic, while accurately rejecting an NS without a topic, regardless of whether NSs were referential or expletive. This suggests that the EPP was operative, but their EPP was overridden by the L1 [+topic]. I argue that the interlanguage phrase structure, F(unctional)P, is not V(erb)-related, suggesting that FP Spec is not necessarily ┍-assigned. FP involves a rule of predication, by which FP Spec should be filled to saturate a predicate, realized as the EPP. FP carries combined properties of TopP in the L1 and IP in the L2. FP Head is occupied by the P(eripheral)-feature [+topic] as in the L1. When the [+topic] feature is not operative, FP Spec is filled by an L2-like subject. FP Spec shows a continuum from purely L1-based topics, such as a spatiotemporal PP, to L2-oriented subjects, such as the expletive it.

Iconicity and Variation in the Choice of Object Forms in Korean

Lee, Hanjung 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2006 語學硏究 Vol.42 No.2

The naturalness with which case ellipsis occurs in certain environments in Korean has been attributed to the information status and markedness of arguments, although few studies have compared the two factors explicitly. Through experimentation, the present study demonstrates that both factors simultaneously and independently influence object case ellipsis. The present study also provides a possible explanation of why case-marked and caseellipsed objects are distributed the way they are by going beyond the mere descriptive level and looking at how the choice between the two variants is motivated by extra-linguistic, cognitive factors. In particular, we argue that the factors of focus, animacy, and definiteness can be linked to an iconic principle, which predicts the correlation between conceptual markedness and structural markedness. This general prediction is shown to be confirmed by the results of the experiment as well as corpus analyses.

Variation in the Korean Integration of English Word-Final /s/

Iverson, Gregory K.,Lee, Ahrong 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2006 語學硏究 Vol.42 No.2

The adaptation of English word-final /s/ in words that are borrowed into Korean presents an interesting perceptual match-up inasmuch as Korean contrasts two types of voiceless fricatives, “lax” /s/ and “tense” /s’/, either of which, depending on context, may serve as the rendition of English /s/. Which of these is selected appears to correlate with the familiar durational difference between lax and tense consonants in Korean. In particular, S Kim (1999) showed that English words are borrowed consistently with tense /s’/ when the fricative is not in a cluster in the source language (where it is phonetically longer), whereas the result is lax /s/ when the fricative (phonetically shorter) does form part of a consonant cluster in the source language. Hypothesizing that Koreans are sensitive to this durational property, S Kim concluded that positional sub-phonemic length differences in the English fricative are apprehended directly by Korean listeners (and so presumably are contrastive in the language; cf. Iverson & A Lee 2006). Davis & M-H Cho (2006), on the other hand, maintain that the phonetic length correlation is not robust, noting specifically that S Kim was troubled by the adaptation of final clusters consisting of sonorant consonant plus /s/ (as in dance, false), which are rendered with the tense fricative despite being part of a source language cluster. Yet in a comprehensive acoustic study of English /s/ over a full range of environments, Klatt (1974) showed that while /s/ is shorter by 40% in clusters with stops (an [s] that Koreans adapt as lax), it is shorter by only 15% in clusters with sonorant consonants (an [s] which Koreans adapt as tense). Thus, it would appear that Koreans adapt instances of the English fricative following a sonorant as tense /s’/ because these are above the threshold of brevity that marks the non-tense obstruents in Korean, and in any case are appreciably longer than English [s] in an obstruent cluster (as first reported by A Lee (2006a); cf. A Lee (2006b) on adaptation of the stops in English s-clusters). The paper reports on a perception experiment further testing and supporting the hypothesis that phonetic length of the source fricative correlates directly with its adaptation as either lax or tense in Korean.

Coda Formation vs. Onset Maximization : Issues in the Syllabification of VCV Sequences

Baertsch, Karen 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2010 語學硏究 Vol.46 No.1

The formation of syllable margins does not always give preference to onsets over codas. In the three cases analyzed here, coda formation overrides onset formation, preventing high sonority segments from being parsed as onsets, often resulting in violations of the maximal onset principle. In Taimyr Pidgin Russian and in some childrens’ acquisition of Japanese, rhotics are allowed only in coda position, driving epenthesis and neutralization, respectively. In Lama, metathesis and obstruent sonorization work together to maximize sonority in codas while minimizing sonority in onsets.

On the Pitch-Accent System of South Kyungsang Korean : A Phonological Perspective

Lee, Dongmyung,Davis, Stuart 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2009 語學硏究 Vol.45 No.1

This paper presents an analysis of the pitch patterns of native nouns of contemporary South Kyungsang Korean. Following DM Lee (2009) we maintain that South Kyungsang Korean has a pitch-accent system that co-exists with an initial tone register. To illustrate this we focus on monomorphemic nouns and the nature of tonal alternations found under suffixation.

Linguistic Correlates of Proficiency in Korean as a Second Language

Sun-Young Lee,Jihye Moon,Michael H. Long 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2009 語學硏究 Vol.45 No.2

This study investigates relationships between global oral proficiency ratings and measures of grammatical competence in the acquisition of Korean as a second language. Data were collected on the linguistic abilities of learners at 1+ to 4 on the ILR scale, focusing on perception in phonology, morphology, syntax, lexis, and collocation. The results show that (i) most of the tasks have high internal reliability, (ii) individual accuracy scores correlate strongly with levels on the ILR proficiency scale on most tasks, and (iii) heritage speakers outperform non-heritage speakers at the same high levels of oral proficiency on most tasks. The findings indicate that global proficiency scales like the OPI can be deconstructed using tasks that provide detailed measures of learners’ control of linguistic features.

Multiple Patterns of Reduplication in Nuuchahnulth : A Templatic Approach

Eun-Sook Kim 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2008 語學硏究 Vol.44 No.1

Nuuchahnulth has very unique patterns of reduplication which raise many interesting questions. Reduplication occurs when certain suffixes attach to a stem. The form of the reduplicant ranges from CV to CVVCCC, depending on the attached suffix. Multiple patterns in Nuuchahnulth reduplication present problems for a-templatic approaches. The data in this study provide more complex patterns than those we are familiar with from previous work. In this paper, I provide a templatic solution to the problems raised by the case of Nuuchahnulth, and argue that we should employ templates to deal with at least some cases of reduplication

Prosodic Structure and Focus Prosody of South Kyungsang Korean

Kim, Jieun,Jun, Sun-Ah 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2009 語學硏究 Vol.45 No.1

This paper shows how focus prosody of South Kyungsang Korean interacts with the prosodic structure of the dialect. Based on the prosodic structure defined by intonation, it is claimed that the domain of lexical pitch accent assignment is a Prosodic Word, but the prosodic domain of focus, or the realization of focus prominence, is an Accentual Phrase. This model can explain the phenomenon of mismatch between the domain of semantic focus and the domain of accent/prosodic prominence.

Against Cyclic Linearization : Scrambling and Numeral Quantifiers in Korean

Yong-Ha Kim 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2008 語學硏究 Vol.44 No.2

This paper criticizes Ko’s (2007) CL analysis of scrambling. Against her analysis, according to which a case-less numeral quantifier and its host NP comprise a constituent, I adapt Miyagawa’s (1989) mutual c-command analysis in tandem with the current minimalist framework (Chomsky 2005), and propose that they do not form a constituent but do enter into an anaphoric relation. On the other hand, with Ko’s (2007) analysis of vP as a Spell-out domain subject to criticism, I show that there are some serious theoretical problems with it. It should be noted that this criticism would apply to Fox & Pesetsky’s (2005a) original proposal. Consequently, I will show that the intriguing phenomena observed by Ko (2007) can be reasonably accounted for in the way proposed in this paper.