Konkrete Poesie und expressionistische. Kunst. (Post)Modernistische Aspekte zur Medienverflechtung

Koh, Wee-Kong 弘益大學校 人文科學硏究所 2005 人文科學 Vol.13 No.-

구체시와 표현주의 예술은 서로다른 시대의 예술장르이면서도 비교연구의 가치를 지닌다. 이는 양자가 매체융합의 표현양식 실현으로 모더니즘과 포스트모더니즘 예술형성에 지대한 영향력을 행사하였기 때문이다. 그러나 상세히 관찰해보면 양자사이에는 예술이념, 재료사용, 미학적 효능 등의 면에서 상당한 거리가 있다. 이는 무엇보다 구체성과 추상성이라는 대표개념에서 나타난다. 유사한 시기에 생성되어 발전된 두 양식수법은 „대상성으로부터의 이탈" 이라는 시학원리에서 공통되나 그 구체적 실현방법은 같지않다. 후자가 매체사용의 추상화를 통해 주관적 내면심층의 환상이나 어떤 다른 감추어진 대상성을 표현하려 한다면, 전자는 언어기호의 질료화로 스스로의 대상세계를 창출한다. 따라서 양자에서 추출되는 텍스트의미성은 동일하지않다. Kandinsky의 대표적 추상화 „구성 7(Komposition VII)" 과 Gomringer의 텍스트 „침묵(Schweigen)"을 대비해보자. 기하학적, 구성적 수법을 활용한 전자에서는 대상적 지시성이 완전히 배제되지않는다. 그 표현세계는 생성과 종말의 차원에서 „우주창조의 은유"로 해석된다. 이러한 굴절된 형상조음은 후자의 기호시각화에서는 찾아보기 어렵다. 동일단어의 반복배열과 그로인한 서정시의 도식화는 청각적 침묵의 이미지를 „도상화" 시킴으로써 새로운 지각작용에 호소한다. 여기에서의 침묵은 상징적 의미가 아니라 다원적 기능을 발휘한다. 이러한 현상은 오늘날의 다매체예술에서 발견된다. 구체시와 표현주의 넓게보아 현대예술의 모더니티를 생성, 발전시킨 두 축이다. 양자는 추상화와 구체화라는 양식혁신을 통해 „재현"과 „모방"이라는 종전의 표현법칙으로는 도달할 수 없는 새로운 표현가능성을 개진하였다. 특히 서로다른 개별매체의 통합과 교체를 통해 생산과 수용의 유희공간을 넓히고 독자와 관찰자의 지각행위를 포괄하는 매체미학의 지평을 열어주었다. 이로인해 현대예술은 „언어갱신"이라는 세기적 목표를 구현하며 신매체의 등장으로 인한 예술의 매체화작업에 대처할 통로를 마련하게된다. 개별장르 해체로 인한 이러한 예술의 보편화작업은 그러나 아방가르드와 포스트모더니즘의 전유물이 아니라 르네상스, 바로크, 그리고 낭만주의 시대에 개화한 바 있다. 나아가 모든 예술을 하나로 보는 예술생성의 원천에 닿아있다. 혼합장르나 매체교체 현상은 인류의 장구한 예술, 특히 작품발달사를 관류해온 기본적 „표현의지" 이다. 이런 점에서 상호매체성미학은 전통과 현대의 아우름에서 합당하게 파악 될 수 있다.

요대의 발해유민 연구

김위현(KIM Wee-hoyun) 고구려발해학회 2007 고구려발해연구 Vol.29 No.-

I am trying to point out the contents and errors of Some scholars of the peoples Republic of china from araund of 2000. First of all, I want to indicate the thesis framing. First, even though it was supposed to use the historical materials widely, they didn't use other Ones except their own materials. Even they sometimes did not use their own Ones either. Second, the results of predecessors should be exalted nevertheless what country they were belonged to. However they often ignored even their own ancestors' research results. Even though it is hard to collect various data, they shouldn't have given up easily. Third, considering illogical contents as the logics is absolutely discord. What are the troubles then? 1. The point of view for Dongran (東丹)'s characteristic. Whether it was country or administrative region. Dongran named theirselves as One administrative region and they also had own economical and political systems. If Dongran was One of the administrative regions, it would not be allowed to do above things. Furthermore, they are looking me negotiation with Late Tang as a diplomacy, but it is error from ignoring the existence of Late Palhae. 2. Existence of Late Palhae? It already had been proved by Japanese Watasei(和田淸) in 1916. Furthermore, Japanese Hino Kaijabro(日野開三郞)(in 1941), Korean Lee Yong-Bum(1981), Kim Wee-Hoyun(l981), and Han Gyu-Chul(l995) had reinforced it. 3. Is culture of Palhae from only T ang culture(唐文化) and contact with Han people(漢人)? Of course there are some cultures that are from contact of Tang cultures and Han people. However the root things are from Koguryo. Most residents of Palhae were from Koguryo, therefore it is really illogical that Palhae residents threw away their own cultures, the cultures of Koguryo, and accepted Tang's cultre. 4. Are Palhae and Jurchen the same race(同族)? Jurchen is the name of whole sundry races that lived around Manmong liver(滿蒙). Palhae displaced person(渤海遺民) were also called as Jurchen after Chitan Middle age. Also Wan-yen Bu(完顔部) that built chin(金) is the remaining of Silla(新羅). Therefore, Palhae and Jurchen are not the same races. 5. They presented population of Palhae as about 7~800,000. However Shin Hyung-Sik in Republic of Korea saw that it was 1,300,000, and Jang Jong-Gook in The Democratic peoples Republic of Korea calculated it 5,000,000~6,000,000. The differences are too big. They need even more accurate data providing. 6. We are disagree to the opinion that after ruins of Palhae, the Palhae people had been joined to One of 8 races of Hanjok Then, they should prove how they got new name after 700 years. Palhae people took the big role in founding Chin(金) and Chin's politics. Not only that, the existence also remains in Yan(元) country. We want to know why they had been not united during Chin(Jurchen), Yuan(Mongol), and Ching(Man-Chu) age, but the had been to only Hanjok. As you see there are so many problems that makes hard to agree. If we and they researched and investigated the exact same data that from exactly same literature, the results must be same. If not, it is considered as non-scientific and not object research. Current Chinese scholars' assertion that past four countries' history is China's history because current China territory is covering those four past countries territory is absolutely not acceptable.

현대 형상시(Bildgedicht)에 나타난 예술작품 해석 : Celan의 시 「어떤 그림아래로」(Unter ein Bild)를 중심으로

고위공 홍익대학교 인문과학연구소 2000 東西文化硏究 Vol.8 No.-

Der besondere Gedichttypus "Bildgedicht", das ein Bildwerk zum Gegenstand der Beschreibung macht, ist in bisheriger literaturwissenschaftspraktischer Forschung wenige Beachtung gefunden. Der Grund fu¨r dieses Desideratum ist prima¨r von seiner spezifisch interdiszipilina¨r, "intermedial" verankerten Methodologie her zu erkla¨ren. In neuerer mediena¨stheitscher Forschusg ist es jedoch allma¨hlich lebhafter geworden. u¨ber dieser immer aktueller werdenden lyrischen Gattung komparatistisch zu untersuchen. Einige aufschlußreiche Arbelten von Kranz, die voll von hilfreichen Sachmaterialien sind, mo¨gen als ein markantes Beispiel dafu¨r gelten. Ihnen ist auch klar zu enhehmen, daß "Bildgedicht" a¨sthetisch eine sehr bedeutungsvolle Poetik aufweist, die sich konkret in verschiedenen Formen verwirklicht. Die Art und Weise dieser verssprachlichen "Kunstbeschreibung", mit anderem Wort den ku¨nstlerischen Sinn des "Medienwechsels" praktisch zu erhellen, ist also die Hauptaufgabe zur Forschung moderner "Bildgedichte". Besonders das in ihnen zum Wort kommende Problem der Kunstinterpretation nimmt dabei eine zentrale Stellung ein. Unter dieser Voraussetzung soll ein "Bildgedicht" von Celan, also "Unter ein Bild" der na¨heren Betracktung unterzogen werden. Celan geho¨rt zu wenigen bedeutenden modernen Lyrikern, deren a¨sthetische Sprachverwendung von insbesondere bildnerischen Stilzu¨gen gepra¨gt ist, Er hat wa¨hrend seiner ganzen Schaffensphasen von der bildenden Kunst starke Impulse zur dichterischen Niederschrift gefunden. Das Gedicht "Unter ein Bild" aus der Sammlung "Sprachgitter" ist bloß ein Beispielfall. Aber bereits in diesem kurzen "Bildgedicht"'ist der charakterische Aspekt Celanscher Interpretation und Beschreibung des malerischen Kunstwerkes zu lesen. "Unter ein Bild" ist direkt aus der engen Beziehung des Dichters zum beru¨hmt gewordenen Gema¨ldes von Gogh "Ein Kornfeld mit Kra¨hen" entstanden. Sowohl bei der Titelgebung als auch bei der Textformulierung zeigt es eine ausgesproehene Affinita¨t an die Vorlage. Das Element des "Wahnsinns" oder der Vision ist das Mittel, das beide Ku¨nstler und Kunstwerke miteinander verbindet. Nach der Form behhalten Celans Verse traditionelle Weise des "Bildgedichts" bei, beispielsweise die Struktur des Emblems. Bei thematischer Entfaltung spielt jedoch die perso¨nliche Kunstbetrachtung entscheidende Rolle; der Autor setzt na¨mlich seine eigene Kunsterfahrung in Vers um. Dieses "U¨beretzten" bedeutet aber Innovation. Die mediale Transposition leitet Celan dazu, ein anderes, neues Kunstwerk zu produzieren. Gerade in diesem Vermo¨gen zum Neuschaffen steckt die Hauptfunktion des modernen "Bildgedichts". Umgekehrt gewinnt auch Goghs Bildkunst durch Celans Sprachkunst an neue ku¨nstlerische Position. Das innere Verha¨ltnis von Wort und Kunst ist von ihrer reziproken Wechselseitigkeit, genauer gesagt, von ihrer synthetischen Erga¨nzung her angemessen zu efassen.

GYROBONDGRAPH에 의한 선형 및 비선형 제어시스템의 안정도 평가에 관한 연구

신위재 경남대학교 신소재연구소 1994 論文集 Vol.4 No.-

본 논문에서는 동적방정식을 유도함이 없이 본드그래프의 표준형 구조인 자이로본드그래프에 의해선형 및 비선형 제어시스템의 안정도를 해석 할 수 있는 방법을 제안하였다. 이방법은 다단의 분산된 제어시스템의 안정도를 평가하는데 사용될 수 있는 Block Gershgorin 이론을 도입하였다. 또한 이기법은 대규모 제어계통의안정도 평가를 예측하는데 있어 대용량의 컴퓨터 사용에 따른 경비절감의 목적으로 이용될 수 있을 것이다. In this paper, we presented the stability estimation of linear and nonlinear control systems by Gyrobondgraph(GBG) structure which a canonical form of the bondgraph prior to the derivation of the dynamic equations and it have been provided how the block Gershgorin theorem can be used to evaluate the stability of decentralized control systems, it represents a computationally less expensive approach the stability analysis of Large-scale systems.

算法的-發見的(Algorithmico-Heuristic)過程과 授業方略의 開發

陳渭敎 慶北大學校 人文科學硏究所 1988 人文 科學 Vol.4 No.-

學習者의 感覺樣式과 授業實行方略이 學習에 미치는 效果

陳渭敎,崔圭麟 慶北大學校 1990 論文集 Vol.49 No.-

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of instructional delivery strategies, that is , program control, learner control, audio-tutorial instruction, according to the types of sensory modality, that is, auditory versus visual modality, on learning. The specific research problems of this study were: (1) Is there any significant difference between preferred sensory modality groups? (2) Is there any significant difference betwwen CAI and A-TI groups? (3) Is there any significant interactive effects between preferred sensory modality and instructional delivery strategies? The three hypotheses tested were: (1) There is no difference between visual modality preferred group and auditory modality preferred group on academic achievement. (2) There is no difference among instructional delivery strategies on academic achievement. (3) There is no interactive effect between the types of preferred sensory modality and instructional delivery strategies. The subjects in this study were 120 juniors selected by sensory modality checklist. They were randomly assigned to one of six groups: (1) Program control group with visual modality: (2) Program control group with auditory modality: (3) Learner control group with visual modality; (4) Learner control group with auditory modality; (5) Audio-tutorial instruction group with visual modality; and (6) Audio-tutorial instruction group with auditory modality. The independent variables were types of sensory modality and instructional strategies. The dependent variable was the academic achievement scores on the posttest. Based on the achievement scores, 3×2 ANCOVA(covariate: English grades of the first semester) technique was applied. The main findings of this study were as follows: 1. There was no difference between visual modality preferred group and auditory modality preferred group in academic achievement scores. 2. There was no difference among learner control, program control, and audio-tutorial instruction group in academic achievement scores. 3. There was no interactive effects between types of preferred sensory modality and instructional delivery strategies.

鎭海地區에 있어서 山地崩壞와 地形의 關係

姜渭平 慶尙大學校 1980 論文集 Vol.19 No.1

1979年 8月 25日 颱風 Judy號의 영향으로 鎭海市는 日降雨量 465㎜의 集中豪雨가 쏟아졌으며 이로 因한 山地崩壞로 38名의 人命死亡을 비롯하여 家屋 農耕地에 莫大한 被害를 주었다. 筆者는 現地를 踏査하여 1/25,000 地形圖에 崩壞地를 Plot하여 地形解析한 結果 다음과 같은 結果를 얻었다. 1. 山地崩壞個數는 71個, 面積合計는 15.3ha였으며 崩壞地의 크기는 0.1∼1.7ha의 범위였다. 2. 崩壞地의 傾斜頻度 分布는 正規分布를 하였으며 傾斜 31도에서 全體崩壞個數의 44%를 차지하였다. 3. 崩壞個數와 方位에 있어서는 南方位에서는 67%였지만 東과 西方間에 있어서는 거의 差가 없었다. 4. 標高에 關해서 崩壞個數는 標高 50m 內外에서28%가 發生하였으나 兩者間에는 一定한 경향이 거의 없다. On Aug. 25. 1979, a heavy rainfall of 460mm poured into Jinhae area by the influence of typhoon Judy. About 15.3 hectars of landslides from 71 different places by the downpour destroyed many houses, a lot of cultivated areas, reads and human lives etc. This study was carried out to investigate the relationships between the causes of landslides and topographycal factors such as altitudes, slop and bearings. For the purpose, the landslides was plotted on topographycal map (scale; 1/25,000) through the several on-the-spot-surveys. The results obtained by a topographycal analysis on the map could be summarized as follows; 1. The total area of the landslides from 71 different places was estimoted to 15.3 hectars, and the sizes of the landslides showed normal distribution and about 44 per cent of total land-slides occurred in the 31 gradient. 2. The inclination angles of the h\landslides showed normal distribution and about 44 per cent of total land-slides occurred in the 31 gradient. 3. About 67 per cent of the total landslides appeared on the south slop, but there were no distinct relationships between landslides and east or west slops. 4. As to altitudes, 28 per cent of the total landslides occurred on alltitudes 50m, but there was no distinct tendency between altitudes and landslides.

契丹의 敎育과 科擧制度考

金渭顯 명지대학교 明大論文集 Vol.17 No.-

Records on the schools are shown in the Liaoshih(遼史). The schools of Ch'i-tan(契丹)having modelled after the Chineses system, it is assumed that the curriculum and system of the schools in Chi-tan might have been much similar to those of the Tang(唐) Dynasty. The schools are recorded to have been established in the Central cities and countries; there were Gwozijian(國子監) in Shang-Ching(上京) and Choug-Ching(中京), Chingxue(京學) in five Ching(京), Fuxue(府學) in Fu(府), Jouxue(州學) in Jou(州) and Hstenxue(縣學) in Shien(縣). Actually, however, the shools are shown to have been partially extablished. Gwozijian consisted of Jihjeou(祭酒), syyeh(同業), Jiancherng(監丞), Juubuh(主簿) etc. which managed the schools, and the Shang-Ching Gwozijian, Chung-Ching Gwozijian, Chingxue, and-Fuxue, Chouxue, and Hsienxue had Borsyh(博士) Juhjiow(助敎) who taught the school. As the schools developed and accordingly even the ordinary people as well as the scholars tended to be deeply interested in studies, the culture of Liao Dynasty reached high level; emperors established schools and a mausoleum of Confucius in several places as exemplary models, exerting themselves to the publication of the Confucian classics. This seems to have been aiming at rationalizing the adoption of Chinese hereditary system at the time of the Taitzuu(太祖) in place of the Khan(汗) system by turns, and later, at cultivating Chinese officials and at indoctrinating the loyalty to the King through education. There is no Sheuanjeujyh(擧志) in the Liao Shih. But some of the contents are recorded to some extent in the Beenjih(本紀) of Liehchwan(列傳). The examination of chin-shih(進士) was not for Ch'i-tan. as a means to employ Chinese, this was used to select elites from the scholars as well as ordinary people else than Ch'i-tans. Therefore, Ch'i-tans were employed by Shih-hsuan(世選) System(a sort of hereditary system) and prevented even from applicating for the examination. By literature, the Chin-Shih examination was begun in the beginning of Huey Torng(會同) when Shih Fang(室昉), a Namkyongian was known to have passed the Chin-shih exam for the first time. Obviously, in the beginning of the nation. there seems to have been paid hardly any attention to the Civil Exam system, and it was only after T'ai-tsung(太宗) had interfered with the Late Jin(後晉) that the Civil Exam system was attended to. There were three steps of examination of Hsiang(鄕), Fu(府), and she^ng(省), in which Shy(詩) and Fuh(賦) were tested. The examination was originally planned to take place once in three years, but there having been 54 Chin-Shih examinations taken during the period of 134 years from the 6th of T'ung-ho(統和) (988) to the 2nd of Boo-Dah(保大), the emper, of Tian Tzuoh(天祚)(1122). with an average of 1 time for 2.5 years. But the examination was taken every year or every other two years during the time of Sheng-tsung(聖宗), and later, the period lengthend to some four or three years. The numbers of the successful candidators also increased from one or two during the years of T'ung-ho the minimum of 6 to maxiimum of 138 since K'ai-tai(開泰). The process of employment of the successful candidators were various. Successful cnadidators of the same Chin-Shih examination were diversely employed for general admiinistrative affairs, taxational works or military affairs. However, as they promoted to the higher positions, such divergence seems to have disappeared. The first grader in the Diann(殿) Examination was awarded of Fengjyr Dah Fu(奉直大夫) as the first position(equivalent to the Tsorng(從) 6 piin(品) of Song(宋) Dynasty), and others were awarded the position of Tsorng Shyh-rang(從事郞) (equivalent to Tsorng 8 piin of Song), and sometimes, Jiang Shyh rang(將士郞)(incomparable with any official position of Song, but equivalent to below Tsorng-9-piin of Tang.) The period of examination was not regular. Originally, the period was once for 3 years, but during the years of Shentsung,the examination was given every year or every other two years, and since the time of Hsing-tsung(與宗), once in three years. And the month the examination was taken was October before the 5th year of Jong Shi(重熙)(1036), and May or June, after the 7th of Jongshi(1038). The qualification of the candidators was also limted. In the beginning, there seems to have been hardly any limit, but since the 9th of Jongshi, doctors, fortunetellers, slaughters, slavers and the criminals were excluded from the examination. In the 5th of Gan T'ung(乾統)(1105),the descendants of the merchants were also excluded from the qualification. But, later, the system of examination became very loose and disorderly, and even some who did not take the examination were awarded the title of Chin-Shihs, while even Chin-Shihs of Song Dynasty surrended were employed through examination. During one generation of Ch'i-an, there had been taken 54 times of Chin-Shih examinations(according to the Beenjih of Liaoshih), and the successful candidators numbered 2342. Those whose names are well known number 70, while those listed in the Liaoshih, 20. The main points cleduced, as a result, from this study are as follows: first, the main purpose of the civil Exam seems to have been the selection of Chinese officials because the ruling over the chinese territory needed chinese officaials, secondly, it was an attempt to indirectly induce Ch'i-tan to keep their original respect for fighting spirit, and to effeminate the chinese or po-hai(渤海) people that they had limited the qualification of the candidators for civil Exam only to Chinese or Po-hai people excluding the Ch'i-tan, thirdly, the purpose of the execution of Civil Exam seems to have been to strengthen the trustfulness between king and retainers by establishing a teacher-discipline relation between them, and the luxurious proce dure of the ceremony for Chin-Shih seems to have been to induce the successful candidators to feel deep gratitude to the king by emphasizing that the award of Chin-Shih was being given by The king, and fourthly, it seems that the employment of Chinese people for the ruling of Chinese territory was to let them solve the difficult problem such as taxation(Shuifu 稅賦) or labour service(Fui 賦役) by themselves together with their own people.

敎室授業 改善을 위한 授業時間 活用의 方略

陳渭敎,金鎭奎 慶北大學校 師範大學 1986 敎育硏究誌 Vol.28 No.-

The purposes of the present investigation were: (1) to testify the basic assumption that instructional time variables take an important part in classroom instruction from many instructional models regarding time as an instructional variable; (2) to analyze related researches on allocated time in classroom instruction; and (3) to review other researches on time-on-task in classroom instruction. In many instructional models, such as Carroll (1963), Bloom (1968, 1976), Wiley & Harnischfeger (1974, 1976, 1978), Cooley & Lohnes (1976), Bennett (1978), Leihardt (1980), Fisher, et al. (1980), Centra & Potter (1980), Cooley & Leinhardt (1980), and Walberg (1981, 1984), we found that they regarded time as an instructional process variables or a tool of instructional evaluation. We examined that allocated time a relatively fixed or stable variable, but the variability in allocated time was very large for all studies. We also found that the amount of time allocated by teachers to instruction in a particular content area was positively connected with achievement in that content area. Studies of time-on-task showed that the percentage of time engaged was highly related to achevement, and that time-on-task could be altered positively (or negatively) by the instructional process Therefore, the conclusion is that time-on-task could be used as a useful variable for learning. We are concluding that this paper is presented especially for researcher, school administrators, and teachers with a few comments about implications of the instructional time variable. First, researchers should develop the optimal models for the instructional time management and the reliable instruments for the systematic observation and measurement on instructional time. Second, school administrators should establish and implement the efficient instructional time management at a school unit. Third, classroom teachers should recognize the importance of instructional time management process, and improve quality of their instrction by their own observation, analysis, and feedback about their instructional time.

DSP 프로세서를 이용한 유압 서보시스템의 퍼지제어

愼瑋縡,金孝烈 慶南大學校 附設 工業技術硏究所 1999 硏究論文集 Vol.17 No.-

본 연구에서는 DSP프로세서를 이용한 퍼지제어기를 설계하였다. 퍼지제어기는 플랜트의 오차와 오차의 변화분으로써 출력이 결정되며 신경망 보상기는 퍼지제어기의 출력과 플랜트의 출력과 플랜트 출력의 변화분으로서 출력이 주어진다. 신경망 보상기의 학습 신호는 플랜트 출력의 변화분을 2차 미분한 결과로부터 생성하며 학습시 신경망의 입력으로 퍼지제어기의 출력과 플랜트의 변화와 플랜트의 오차를 사용한다. 그리고 제안한 알고리즘의 성능을 확인하기 위해 비선형 유압 서보시스템을 대상으로 DSP 프로세서를 사용하여 구현한 후 실험결과를 관찰하였다. In this paper, a Fuzzy controller using DSP processor which has the function of compensating for the output of the controller has been proposed. The proposed controller is base on a general Fuzzy Controller. The learning signal of a Neural Network Compensator was obtained from the results of the second order derivative of the Plant output change. The output value of the general Fuzzy Controller was determined by means of plant error and the error change. The output of the Neural Network Compensator was consisted of the output of fuzzy controller, the plant output and the output change. When it is learning, the input of the Neural Network is the output of the Fuzzy Controller, the plant error and the error change. We implemented the control system using the DSP processor and applied the system in a nonlinear hydraulic servo system.