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      • KCI등재

        Reconocimiento y Diversidad Cultural

        Pablo Armando Gonzalez Ulloa A 한국라틴아메리카학회 2013 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.26 No.2

        Given the demand of inclusion in public affairs and participation in the state topics by the communities who firstly get identity in the local level than in the national sphere, the construction of democracy in the states requires redefinition. The Mexican case is exemplary in this regard, since Mexico has more than 60 ethnic groups all over the country who have their own practices, customs, language and cultural setting. In the 20th Century the Mexican state was built to recognize the equality of their citizens and inhabitants in general, making it unable for promote an inclusion based in the respect and promotion for the differences between communities and, lately, in democratic inputs. Furthermore, globalization and the search of those communities for political participation (as illustrated by the armed movement of the EZLN and furthermore the Acuerdos de San Andres) have conditioned the state to look for the basis to build a multicultural Mexican state predicated upon consciousness of and respect for the diversity between communities : as a result, the liberal sense of freedom is transformed into a new multicultural recognition.

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        De la descentralización al centralismo en los procesos electorales

        German Perez Fernandez del Cas,Pablo Armando Gonzalez Ulloa A 한국라틴아메리카학회 2011 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.24 No.2

        Since the beginning of Mexico’s independence, the states have pressed for decentralization such that federalization has been necessary to contain the unrest of some territories standing against the formation of the Congress which became the bearer of national sovereignty after Iturbide's abdication in 1823. Irrespective of what one means by federalization, in the field of electoral politics it is a real phenomenon which manifests the contradictory tendencies of federalization and of the official, traditional federalist discourse in the country. Following upon these contradictory tendencies, the configuration of the Mexican electoral system has undergone various transformations, through the passing of laws and constitutional reforms that have gradually led to a centralization of the electoral process. The Electoral Act of 1946 initiated the construction of this centralization upon the stipulation that municipalities relinquish all powers relating to the organization of municipal and federal elections. Then tendency toward centralization was later reinforced when the Federal Electoral Tribunal of Judiciary Power of the Federation was established and endowed with the right to intervene in the state and municipal elections. Finally, a recently held electoral reform has a series of centralized attributes that give new powers to the Federal Electoral Institute.

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