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하종문(Ha Jong-moon) 역사비평사 2009 역사비평 Vol.- No.87
The Great Depression in 1929 struck all the developed nations including Japan, nevertheless the remedy for economic crisis and overcoming process differed from each country. Also, the Great depression had an impact over whether side the nation took during World War Ⅱ. In Japan, there existed Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet, which had been the most democratic political body ever in the course of Japanese history, however, coping with the economic repression destroyed the milestones to democracy that had been established in the entire 1920s. It is possible to discuss the limitations of democratic party politics in blocking the nation's steps toward militarism, fascism and participation in war, but this manuscript rather focuses on the attempted failures of social policies. By scrutinizing miscarriage of the Labor Union Act and crippled operations of th relief law, it is obvious to identify that unsuccessful establishment of social security nets, loss of political integration capability, eventually led to demise of democracy and destruction to people's lives. This is not only restricted to Japan in 1930s but also can be accounted for Germany's case. It certainly manifests lessons for us in the prolonged periods of economic depression.
하종문(Ha, Jong-Moon) 한일민족문제학회 2015 한일민족문제연구 Vol.28 No.-
This paper includes discussion of colonial responsibility in Korea for Japanese military sexual slavery issue and proposal for further necessary actions for asking colonial responsibility with consideration of recent strain between Korea and Japan. In August of 2011, Constitutional Court found Korean government’s diplomatic forbearance against Japanese military sexual slavery unconstitutional. Also, Supreme Court concluded that ‘general colonization responsibilities’ including forced labor were unresolved and found Japan’s colonization itself illegitimate. Korean Department of Justice made demanding of colonial responsibility public and Korean-Japan treaty of 1965 proved its limits. Korea-Japan treaty of 1965 concerning the settlement of problems in regard to property and claims and economic cooperation stated that Korean government propose Japanese government a arbitration committee to resolve ‘Japanese military sexual slavery’ issue. However, both government have been passive towards the issue and with the intensifying historical conflict, relationship between the two countries is going downhill without a single summit talk. This paper proposes the solution that discussion on related issues must precede composition of arbitration committee, which could dispel doubts of the victims and pressurize the Japanese government. In short term, both governments should agree upon opening objective and professional discussion on historical issues and Korean government should make an official statement on colonial responsibility. Lastly, both country’s societies must cooperate on composition of ‘East Asian Truth and Reconciliation Commission’ for resolution of colonial responsibility.
하종문(Ha Jong-Moon) 한일관계사학회 2009 한일관계사연구 Vol.32 No.-
본 연구는 천황제가 제국을 통합하는 기제로서 각 시대상황가 조응하여 변모하는 동적인 과정을 추적했다. 이를 위해 다이쇼(大正) 데모크라시 기를 대상으로 지배의 객체로서 소흘히 다루어졌던 피지배층의 시점에서 그들을 주체로 놓고 통합 기제로서의 천황제의 역사성을 재조명하고자 했다. 구체적인 작업 내용은 다음과 같다. 먼저 다이쇼 데모크라시의 본격화와 연동하여 천황제 인식이 어떻게 전개되어 갔는가를 점검했다. 두 번째는 1921년부터 본격화하는 천황과 황실의 개방화에 주목하면서 유력 재벌인 야스다 젠지로(安田善次郞)를 암살한 아사히 헤이고(朝日平吾)의 논리와 행동을 분석했다. 이를 통해 천황제에서 발원하는 ‘신민(臣民)’과 ‘적자(赤子)’라는 자기인식이 정치적 행동 표출의 근거로 부상하는 과정을 그려냈다ㅓ. 세 번째로 보통선거 운동과 천황제와의 관련성을 살펴보았다. 보통선거라는 정치적 변화가 갖는 ‘불온함’은 천황제와의 결합에 의해 희석되었으며, 그런 경과가 다이쇼 데모크라시의 상대화형해화와 더불어 1930년대 본격화하는 총동원체제의 구성과 접목 된다는 측면을 밝혔다. 마지막으로 노동자와 자본가가 대결하는 장인 파업이 천황 직소(直訴)를 거쳐 타결로 나아갔던 노다 쟁의를 통해 천황제가 매개하는 통합의 함의를 되짚어보았다. 다이쇼 데모크라시 하에서는 천황제와 정당정치가 충돌대립하는 경로를 발견하고 그것에 관여하는 경험도 구축되어 갔다. 그 실마리는 신민과 ‘적자’와 ‘국민’의 간극이었다. 1930년대에 ‘쇼와 유신’의 원천으로 천황과 국체가 빈번하게 거론된 것은 이렇게 축적된 청황-적자 관계의 재음미와 강화가 주요한 동력이었던 것이다. This research traces back the process in which Tennosei(天皇制) corresponded with the phases of Taisho Democracy era as a mechanism to unify Japan. In order to achieve the primary goal of this research, it is crucial to observe Tennosei in dominated people"s perspective which had been considered insignificant. Followings are specific and detailed procedures of this research. Firstly, I closely inspected the way cognition of Tennosei had developed associating with full-scale initiation of Taisho Democracy. Second procedure was psychological approach toward Asahi Heigo(朝日平吾) who murdered influential Zaibatsu(財閥), Yasuda Zenjiro(安田善次郞), at the same time focusing on open-door policy of Japan empire starting from 1921. From this process I was able to illustrate how self-recognition of oneself being Shimmin(臣民) and Sekishi(赤子) attributed to the outburst of political action. Thirdly, I scrutinized the relation between universal suffrage movement and Tennosei. The subversiveness of universal suffrage movement and Tennosei. The subversiveness of universal suffrage as a political change subsided after gradual dilution with Tennosei. And this alleviation led to the concept of general mobilization system in 1930s with the help from the weakening and breakdown of Taisho Democracy. Lastly, by closely investigating Noda Strike which originally started as capital and labor dispute but in the end settled thanks to Zikiso(直訴) to Tennou, I was able to grasp the connotation of unification that Tennosei intermediated. Under Taisho Democracy opposition between Tennosei and democratic government aroused and experience of dealing with these confrontations also had accumulated. The key was the aperture among Shimmin, Sekishi, and the people. The relationship of Tenno and Sekishi steadily augmented and this provided underground for repetitious openings upon Tennou and national polity which originated from Showa Restoration(昭和維新).