여말선초 箕子 중심의 역사계승의식과 조선적 문명론

최봉준(CHOI Bong Jun) 한국사학사학회 2015 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.31

이 글은 여말선초 이색과 정도전, 권근 등 3명의 인물의 역사계승의식과 문명론의 변화, 분기를 통하여 성리학이 내면화 하는 과정을 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 고려말의 이색과 정도전은 성리학자로서 箕子를 중심으로 하는 역사계승의식을 추구한다는 점에서는 큰 차이가 없었다. 그러나, 이색은 단군을 國祖로 인정한 반면, 정도전은 조선건국의 당위성을 주장하면서 단군조선의 의미를 크게 축소하였다. 이는 문명론에서 고려왕조는 물론 전통문화를 時勢로 보고 인정하려는 이색과, 전통은 물론 고려왕조까지 부정하고 새로운 왕조건설로 전면적인 유교화를 추구하는 정도전의 차이를 만들었다. 이색은 점진적 문명론을 정도전은 도학적 문명론을 추구했다고 정리할 수 있으며, 이는 지향점은 같으나, 방법론에서 나타난 차이였다. 고려말의 문명론의 분화는 조선초기 권근의 단계에 와서 융합되는 양상을 보였다. 권근은 역사이론에서 성리학의 원론적인 측면을 지향한다는 점에서 정도전의 학문과 연결되지만, 멸망한 남송 출신의 유학자로 정치에 참여하지 않고 은거하였던 吳澄을 비판하는 모습에서 權道와 時勢論을 추구한 이색의 모습을 확인할 수 있었다. 이는 왕조의 교체에도 불구하고 현실에 적극적으로 참여한다면 유교적 가치의 실현이 가능하다는 권근의 낙관적 전망을 담고 있다. 더욱이 권근은 기자 중심의 역사계승의식을 추구하는 가운데서도 이색에 비하여 단군을 강화하였으며, 중국과 조선을 구분하고 小中華로서의 위치를 분명하게 견지하고자 하였다. 그는 보편문화를 지향해야 한다는 당위성이 있으나, 조선은 중국과 문화적 배경이 다르기 때문에, 고유한 문화적 전통도 유지해야 한다는 조선적 문명론을 지향해나갔던 것이다. This paper aims to explore how Neo-Confucianism was internalized in the late Goryeo and early Joseon period focusing on the change and differentiation in the discourse on history and civilization of the three scholar-officials, Lee Saek, Jeong Dojeon, and Kwon Geun. There was little disagreement between Lee Saek and Jeong Dojeon, both Neo-Confucianists, in defining Goryeo as the historical successor of Gija who symbolized the introduction of Chinese civilization into Korea. However, whereas Lee admitted Dangun as the father of nation, Jeong reduced the importance of Dangun's Joseon advocating the legitimacy of founding a new state, Joseon. This led to a divergence in the discourse on civilization. From the situational perspective, Lee embraced not just Goryeo Dynasty but also traditional culture; Jeong, on the other hand, discredited tradition and even the present dynasty and sought out a complete Confucianization by the means of constructing a new dynasty. In sum, in terms of civilization discourse, Lee was a gradualist, Jeong a radicalist. They had the same goal, but different methods. The differentiation in the discourse of civilization in the late Goryeo later merged in the thoughts of Kwon Geun in the early Joseon period. Like Jeong Dojeon, on the one hand, Kwon aimed to emphasize the principles of Neo-Confucianism in his analysis of history. On the other hand, however, he followed Lee Saek's situational approach to Tao in that he criticized Wu Cheng, the Chinese Confucian scholar from the lost dynasty, South Song, who had not participated in politics and secluded himself during the non-Han dynasty, the Yuan. It showed Kwon's positive perspective that despite the change of dynasty Confucian values could be achieved by active participation in politics. Moreover, while supporting the idea of historical succession that put Gija at the center, Kwon reinforced Dangun more than Lee had done. Although Kwon took the pursue of Confucian universalism for granted, he also aspired to the preservation of unique cultural tradition because he saw that China and Joseon had different cultural backgrounds, which constituted his vision of Joseon's civilization. At the same time, he tried to concretely affirm latter's place as "Little China" in the Sino-centric world.

태권도 지도자의 리더십과 지도자 신뢰, 수련만족, 그리고 도장충성도에 대한 구조모형 검증

최봉준(Choi, Bong-jun) 세계태권도문화학회 2021 세계태권도문화학회지 Vol.12 No.3

The purpose of this study was to verify the structural model of Taekwondo master’s leadership, instructor trust, exercise satisfaction, and royalty. The data were collected by 305 Taekwondo students located in Seoul and Gyeonggi-do. The collected data were derived using descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, and structural equation model analysis. As a result, first model, the path of leadership to training satisfaction and the path of instructor trust to loyalty were not statistically significant. Thus, we presented a second model. As a result, the second model showed that all four paths were statistically significant and selected as the final model. First, master’s leadership had a positive effect on instructor trust. Second, instructor trust had a postive effect on satisfaction. Third, instructor trust had a postive effect on royalty. Finally, satisfaction had a positive effect on royaly. In conclusion, these findings suggest that the master s attitude toward students is ultimately important to students trust, satisfaction, and loyalty.

패치형 근전도 센서를 위한 신경전극 기반의 EMG 측정

최봉준(Bong-Jun Choi),양우진(Woo-Jin Yang),김주환(Ju-Hwan Kim),박동욱(Dong-Wook Park) 대한전자공학회 2019 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2019 No.11

원간섭기 근친금혼 관념의 강화와 수계혼(收繼婚) 도입 시도

최봉준(Choi, Bong-jun) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.99

In the early half of the Goryeo period, members of the “Munbeol” aristocratic families, including the Goryeo royal family, used to arrange marriages between males and females who were (by blood) close relatives with each other. The main intention behind such phenomena seems to have been the attempt to form an exclusive inner cycle of married couples which would help the people in power continue to retain that power. The government had some bans and prohibitions on such marriages, which were suggested and legalized in the wake of certain clashes that continued to occur between political factions. But only the ‘offsprings’ who were produced by such marriages were punished, by being denied a future inside the government, and the ‘parents’ who actually got married were usually spared from the humility, rendering the prohibition a fairly limited one for centuries. In the latter half period of Goryeo, however, legal codes prohibiting people from marrying their own close relatives started to be established, and a conscious belief which rationalized the banning of such marriage gradually expanded throughout the Goryeo society. In 1275, a governmental official named Heo Gong was impeached for having a second marriage with the niece of his deceased wife. In 1275 and 1291, Mongol Yuan Emperor Qubilai demanded that the primary marriage custom of Goryeo should be changed from the previous “In-house marriages” to “marriages between people with different last names.” This sort of exterior demands as well as the notion itself was directly mentioned and referred to in the re-enthronement edict issued by King Chungseon-wang in 1308, and thus was established as a law in Goryeo. The “banning” on marriages arranged between close relatives newly became another norm inside the Goryeo society. In the meantime, there were other Mongol customs that were being introduced to the Goryeo people. The so-called ‘Spousal Inheritance’ was one of them. This term refers to a particular kind of marriage in which a male would marry the wife of his older or younger brothers, in case such siblings passed away. According to various written resources produced in China during the Mongol Yuan period, such marriages were also enjoyed not only by the Mongols but also by the Chinese people. The primary stance of the Mongol imperial government, under the notion that all races should stick to their original customs, prohibited the Chinese people from engaging with each other in such manner. In case of Goryeo, kings Chungseon-wang and Chung’hye-wang exhibited such examples, but the former may be the only case that would deserve such labelling. Compilers of the History of Goryeo referred to this side of his life as a personal deviation from Goryeo traditional norms, but it seems like a choice that had something to do with the incoming Mongol customs. At the same time, however, at the urging of no other than the Mongol emperor himself, ‘clan rules’ banning close-relative marriages and also ‘same-last-name’ marriages were being introduced to the Goryeo population. It was not exactly a suitable environment for a custom like ‘spousal inheritance,’ even when it was a traditional practice of the master Mongol race, to be established inside Goryeo. It seems only natural that the number of such incidents were very low(considering the frequency of such incidents appearing in historical texts) and that such cases, as few as there had been, were blamed and described in the History of Goryeo so negatively as they are.

이승휴의 단군 중심의 역사관과 다원문화론

최봉준 ( Bong Jun Choi ) 한국사상사학회 2016 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.52

이 글에서는 이승휴의 『제왕운기(帝王韻紀)』에 나타난 역사관을 전통문화인식과 정체성이라는 점에서 바라보고자 한다. 이승휴는 중국사 인식에서 형세에 따른 정통론을 중심에 두고 있었다. 그는 이를 음양오행설에 따른 오덕종시설로 합리화함으로써 원의 중국통일로 귀결되는 동아시아 국제관계의 변화를 정당화하고자 하였다. 이에 비하여 한국사 인식에서는 단군 중심의 역사관을 전개하였다. 그는 단군과 기자 사이의 연관관계를 뚜렷하게 밝히지 않는 데서 신이한 사적을 적극적으로 활용한 고려와 중국의 역사를 구분하고자 하였다. 이는 문화적 지향성으로 보았을 때, 고려의 전통과 외래문화가 서로 다른 지향성을 갖고 있음을 인정하는 것이었다. 그는 왕권의 신성함을 강조하였으며, 왕권을 신권보다 우월한 위치에 둠으로써 고려의 전통적 정치운영을 옹호하였다. 그리고 삼교일원론(三敎一源論)을 통하여 고려가 갖고 있었던 문화적 기반과 사상적지형을 유지하고자 하였다. 이와 같은 이승휴의 역사관과 전통문화인식은 성리학 수용 이전에 나타난 역사관과 세계관, 문화인식의 최종적인 형태였다고 할 수 있다. This article seeks to examine the late Goreyo scholar-official Yi Seunghyu’s historical perspective in Songs of Emperors and Kings (Jewang Ungi), the collection of his poems about Korean and Chinese history, focusing on his perception of traditional culture and national identity. Yi Seunghyu takes the situational perspective, which views a dynasty’s unification of country as a historical proof of that dynasty``s legitimacy. Appropriating the Cycle of the Five Virtues Theory derived from the Theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements as the rational criteria to explain Chinese dynastic change, Yi justifies the change of international relations in East Asia brought by Yuan dynasty’s unification of whole China and its emergence as a regional ruler. On the other hand, in the writing of Korean history, Yi embraces the mystical view of history and accepts many legendary stories as facts. Also he develops Dangun-centered historical perspective while avoiding clarifying the relationship between Dangun and Gija. That Yi takes different approaches to Chinese and Korean history, along with the emphasis on Dangun, reveals his acknowledgement of different ideals for native Korean and Chinese cultures. Emphasizing the divine characteristic of kings, Yi supports the traditional political theory of Goryeo that gave priority to royal authority over the government officials’ rights. In addition, he tries to maintain Goryeo’s cultural legacy and ideological dynamics by suggesting monistic approach to Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. In this light, Yi Seunghyu``s Songs of Emperors and Kings presents final forms of Goreyo’s historical perspective, worldview, and cultural theory intact from the influence of Neo-Confucianism.

14~15세기 성리학의 수용과 조선적 문명교화론의 탄생

최봉준(Choi, Bong Jun) 역사비평사 2018 역사비평 Vol.- No.124

Cultural Dualism of Goryeo society was continued till the foundation of Joseon Dynasty. It was combination of two conicting characteristics of self, self-positioning as a center of the Sino-centric world and self-positioning as a periphery(Haedong Cheonja) toward Jurchens, Japan, and Tamna based on this, Goryeo Dynasty could maintain its tradition while it accepted universal culture centered with China. Accordingly, cultural universality was a mere matter of selection. Also, a conflicting identity, which Dangun and Gija symbolized, existed in the background. Such consciousness structure was changed as it went through the introduction of neo-Confucianism. As they accepted and exercised cultural universality and unity that neo-Confucianism aimed for and pursued royal politics, universal culture of East Asia became a normative concept that must be realized. However, the point that tradition of Goryeo was continued until the 15th century and edication using Joseon language was continued was the output of reection of Cultural Dualism based on neo-Confucianism, self that pursued cultural universality and self that protected cultural individuality. In this respect, this research determined that Cultural Dualism transformed under the inuence of neo-Confucianism, introduced during Yuan intervention period, was continued until the 15th century, in a narrow view.

죽림고회를 통해 본 무신정권기 문인들의 네트워크와 고문론(古文論)

최봉준 ( Choi Bong Jun ) 연세사학연구회 2019 學林 Vol.44 No.-

이 글은 고려 무신정권기에 활동하였던 竹林高會와 그 주변인물들 사이의 네트워크를 통해 古文이라는 문학적 지향성을 어떻게 공유하였는가? 그리고 그 이후 사상적 변화의 가능성을 확인함으로써 성리학 수용 직전 문인 및 유학자들 사이의 사상지형을 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 특히 이들이 정치권력을 멀리 하였다는 기존의 통설과 달리 권력지향성을 지녔으며, 고문론에서도 이들은 동일한 관점과 지향성을 지닌 것은 아니라는 것을 확인함으로써 내부적으로 다양한 관점이 있었다는 것을 살펴보고자 하였다. 네트워크로는 죽림고회 중심의 네트워크와 이후에 형성될 이규보 중심의 네트워크로 나눌 수 있으며, 이는 네트워크에 따라 문학적 지향성에 차이가 발생하고 있었다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 죽림고회 인물들은 고문을 지향하였음에도 불구하고 사륙변려체에서 많이 벗어나지 못하고 있었다. 이에 죽림고회에 잠시 참여한 경험이 있던 이규보가 죽림고회가 죽림칠현을 지향하였던 점을 비판한 것은 무신정권기에 사상적 분화의 가능성이 있었다는 증거라고 할 수 있다. 따라서, 이것은 무신집권기 문인들이 고문론을 의식적으로 공유하면서도 성리학 수용 직전 사상적 변화와 발전까지 담보하였다는 중요한 의미가 있다. The objective of this thesis is to examine the topography of thoughts of literary men and Confucian scholars right before accepting the Neo-Confucianism, by verifying how the literary orientation such as classical prose was shared through networks of Jungrimgohoe and its surrounding people in the military ruling period of the Goryeo Dynasty, and also verifying the possibility of ideological changes afterwards. Especially, this thesis aimed to examine that there were internally diverse perspectives, by verifying that they were power-oriented contrary to the common theory saying that they kept away from political power, and also verifying that they did not have the same perspective or orientation in the theory of classical prose. The networks could be divided into the network focusing on Jungrimgohoe and the network focusing on Lee Gyubo that would be formed later, which showed that there were differences of literary orientation depending on network. Even though the figures of Jungrimgohoe aimed for the classical prose, they could not much get out of Saryukbyeonryeoche. Thus, the fact that Lee Gyubo who participated in Jungrimgohoe for a moment criticized that Jungrimgohoe aimed for Jungrimchilhyen, could be an evidence showing the possibility of ideological division in the military ruling period. Therefore, this is significant that the literary men in the military ruling period consciously shared the theory of classical prose and also guaranteed the ideological change and development right before accepting the Neo-Confucianism.

동아시아 전통사회의 재이 DB 구축과 그 의미

최봉준(Choi, Bong Jun) 역사실학회 2021 역사와실학 Vol.75 No.-

인류는 오랜 역사에 걸쳐 자연재해에 대응하였다. 그러나 오늘날까지도 인류는 자연재해에서 자유롭지 않다. 근대 이전 동아시아 전통사회에서는 자연재해 뿐만 아니라 일식, 월식, 혜성의 출현, 기형아와 쌍둥이 출산 등을 정상적인 자연 현상으로 보지 않았다. 그리고, 이는 중국과 한국의 정사(正史) 기록에서 ‘재이(災異)’라는 용어로 개념화되었다. 전세계적으로 환경사에 대한 관심은 이미 증가하고 있는 추세이며, 많은 연구자와 기관에서 다양한 형태의 DB가 생산되고 서비스되고 있다. 이는 재이에 관심을 갖는 인문학과 사회과학, 자연과학 등 여러 분과 학문에서의 연구가 질적으로 향상되는데 크게 기여하고 있다. 동아시아로 좁혀보면, 중국은 이미 방대한 자료를 종합하여 여러 형태의 DB를 구축하였으나, 한국에서는 일관된 기준 아래 종합적인 성격의 DB가 구축되지 않았다. 비록 중국의 재이 관련 DB가 국외 연구자들의 접근이 쉽지 않다는 단점이 있다고 해도, 이는 중국과 한국의 재이 연구를 위한 환경에서 매우 큰 격차로 나타날 수 있다. 이에 필자가 소속된 가톨릭대학교 인문사회연구소에서는 인문학과 사회과학, 자연과학 등 재이와 관련한 분과 학문의 관심사를 모두 모아, 종합 학문으로서의 “재해학”의 형성과 구축을 목표로 연구를 진행하고 있다. 그 첫 번째 단계로 한국과 중국 등 동아시아의 전통사회를 배경으로 재이 DB를 구축하고 있다. 본 연구팀은 한국과 중국의 정사, 연대기자료, 일기류, 공문서, 금석문 등에 흩어져 있는 재이 관련 자료를 종합하고 용어를 표준화하고, 연구자와 대중이 중국과 한국의 재이 발생과 전개를 상호비교할 수 있도록 하기 위해 재이 DB를 구축하고 있다. 이를 통해 재이 관련 연구가 앞으로 확대 재생산될 수 있을 것이며, 재이 연구의 새로운 발전의 계기가 될 수 있을 것이라 기대한다. Human beings have responded to natural disasters for a long time in history. Nevertheless, human beings are not free from natural disasters even today. Before modern times, East Asian traditional society didn’t consider solar eclipse, lunar eclipse, appearance of comet and birth of deformed and twin children as normal natural phenomena as well as natural disasters. This was conceptualized as the term ‘natural disaster(Jaei災異)’ in Chinese and Korean authentic history. The interest in environment history is increasing in the world, and many researchers and institutions produce various types of DB and provide service. This makes a significant contribution to qualitative improvement of research in many divisions such as the humanities, social science and natural science that pay attention to natural disasters. When narrowed in East Asia, China already established various types of DB by integrating massive material, but Korea hasn’t established comprehensive DB under the consistent standard. Although the DB of China regarding natural disasters is not easily accessible for overseas researchers, this can be a big difference between Korea and China in the environment to study natural disasters of China and Korea. Therefore, Humanities and Social Institute of The Catholic University of Korea, which I belong to, is conducing research to form and establish ‘Disaster Studies’ as a comprehensive study by gathering matters of interest related to natural disasters from humanities, social science and natural science. The first stage is to establish DB of natural disasters with the background of East Asian traditional society such as China and Korea. The establishment of natural disaster DB is to integrate natural disaster related resources that are scattered in Korean and Chinese history, chronicles, diaries, public documents and epigraph materials, to standardize terms and to compare the occurrence and development of natural disasters in Korea and China. Through this, natural disaster related research is expected to be expanded and reproduced, and to become an opportunity of new development in this field.

고려시대 사회 성격론과 다원사회의 구조적 이해

최봉준(Choi, Bong Jun) 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.67 No.-

지금까지 고려왕조는 문벌귀족사회로서 신라와 조선의 사이에 위치하는 가교로 인식되어 왔다. 그러나 이는 고려초기 왕권이 성장하지 못했으며 국왕은 문벌을 이루고 있는 귀족의 대표자에 불과하다는 왕권의 미약성을 전제로 하기 때문에, 최근의 연구경향과는 거리가 있으며 제대로 된 성격 규정이라고 보기 어렵다. 따라서, 최근에 제기된 고려사회의 다원성과 통합성에 관한 논의를 살펴볼 때 고려사회의 성격에 관하여 보다 많은 논의가 필요하다. 이 글은 고려사회의 성격에 관한 보다 활발한 논의를 위해 고려사회를 다원사회로 규정하고 그 구조를 다원성 위에 국왕 중심의 통합성이 주어진 사회로 보았다. 다원적 사상지형과 이중적 자아인식을 통해 형성된 지향성은 서로 이질적인 요소들이 조화와 공존을 추구하는 다원사회를 이룩할 수 있었던 힘이었다. 이러한 다원성은 해동천자의 위상을 갖는 왕권에 의해 통합되었다. 이러한 다원적 사회구조는 성리학이 수용되고 내면화가 진행되는 과정 속에서 적어도 15세기까지 유지되었다. 이 글을 통해 고려사회에 관한 생산적인 논의가 활성화된다면 발전적인 결과를 얻을 수 있을 것이다. As a noble aristocracy, the Goryeo Dynasty has been considered as a bridge between Silla and Joseon. However, as it is based on a premise that the royal authority was not growing in the early Goryeo Dynasty, and the kings were no more than the representative of the nobility, it is far away from the recent research tendency, so that it cannot be regarded as a proper definition of its character. Therefore, viewing the recent discussions of pluralism and integrity of Goryeo society, there should be more discussions of the character of Goryeo society. For more active discussions of the character of Goryeo society, this thesis defined the Goryeo society as a pluralistic society, and then regarded its structure as a society added with the king-centered integrity to the pluralism. The orientation that was formed through the pluralistic topography of thoughts and dual self-positioning was the energy to achieve the pluralistic society where different elements pursued the harmony and coexistence. This pluralism was integrated by the royal authority with the statue of Haedong-cheonja. This pluralistic social structure was maintained at least till the 15th century even in the process of accepting and internalizing Neo-Confucianism. If this thesis vitalizes productive discussions of Goryeo society, more developmental results could be obtained.

고대~고려시대 다원적 사상지형과 유학의 전개과정

최봉준 ( Choi¸ Bong-jun ) 한국사상사학회 2021 韓國思想史學 Vol.- No.67

이 글에서 필자는 고대국가 성립기에서 고려시대까지 유학 사상의 전개를 중국 중심의 문화적 보편성과 고유의 전통을 의미하는 문화적 개별성, 그리고 다원적 사상지형을 통해 고찰하였다. 지금까지의 연구는 남아 있는 단편적인 사료를 통해 유학사상의 전개를 국가체제의 발전, 그리고 몇몇 인물들의 사상을 중심으로 진행되어 왔다. 그러나, 유학 교육기관이 설립되고 율령이 반포되는 시점에 불교가 수용되었으며, 기존에 토착신앙이 온존하고 있다는 점은 유학이 이미 다원적 사상지형 안에 존재하고 있었다는 것을 의미한다. 그리고 유학은 이들 불교와 토착신앙, 이후에 수용되는 도교와 공존과 조화를 이루며 사회적 기능과 역할을 부여받았다. 또한 유학의 수용은 중국 중심의 문화적 보편성을 수용하는 것으로서 국가체제는 물론 중국과의 관계에서도 조공책봉관계를 중심으로 하는 보편체계와 연관지어 생각해볼 수밖에 없다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 고대~고려시대 유학의 성격은 적어도 성리학의 내면화가 상당히 진행되는 여말선초까지는 유지되었다고 할 수 있다. 성리학 수용 이후 군신관계를 중심으로 하는 정치의식이 새롭게 재편되는 과정 속에서도 역사계승의식은 단군과 기자를 중심으로 문화적 개별성과 보편성사이의 균형을 유지하고자 하였다. 이는 일원성이 강조되는 성리학이 수용되는 과정 속에서도 찾아볼 수 있는 우리나라 유학사상의 특징이라고 할 수 있다. The author studied the development of Confucian ideas from the established period of ancient countries to the Goryeo Dynasty through sinocentric cultural universality, cultural individuality that means its own tradition, and topography of pluralistic thought in this thesis. The past studies have been arranged to investigate the development of Confucian ideas focusing on the development of national systems and several people's ideas through the remaining fragmentary historical records until now. However, Buddhism was accepted when educational institutions of Confucianism were established and laws were promulgated and the existing indigenous faiths were kept. These points mean that Confucianism already existed in structure of pluralistic thought. And Confucianism co-existed and harmonized with Buddhism, indigenous faiths, and Taoism that was accepted later and was given the social functions and roles. And the acceptance of Confucianism means to accept sinocentric cultural universality and associates with the universal system that focuses on the tributary and investiture relationships in the national systems and the relationships with China. These characteristics of Confucianism from ancient times to the Goryeo Dynasty were at least kept until the late Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty that Neo-Confucianism was very internalized. Awareness of inheriting history tried to keep a balance between cultual individuality and universality focusing on Dangun(檀君) and Kija(箕子) even in the process that political awareness that focuses on the relationship between the ruler and the ruled after accepting Neo- Confucianism. This is the characteristics of Korean Confucian ideas that can be found in the process to accept Neo-Confucianism which emphasizes monism.