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이황직(Lee Hwang Jig) 한국사회이론학회 2002 사회이론 Vol.- No.21
During the 2002 FIFA Worldcup Korea/Japan, millions of Korean enthusiastically participated with `street support` on every Korea Team match day. They wore same red shirts inscribed `Be The Reds`, shouting "Tae - Han Min Guk" together with no violence, which attracted the world attentions. This paper defines `Red Devils Syndrome` named in those days as `popular ritual`, and tries to explain by way of Durkheimian cultural sociology. In modern Korea, popular ritual is distinguished from both national and Min-Jung rituals. The national ritual, including the national ceremony of official conventions, was performed on the purpose of national integration, which conjures up the memories of resistance nationalism in Japanese colonial period. But it does not work any longer because official nationalism is identified with the ideology of military dictatorship. On the other hand, Min-Jung ritual was performed through democratization movements against military dictatorship. It contributed to forming solidarity within participants. But it`s moral legitimacy was dependent only on the opposition to `immoral state`. As the confrontation of Min-Jung against the state was rapidly gone away according to the democratization of Korea, Min-Jung ritual has been no less liberative than the national one. So I suggest another sphere of secular ritual named popular ritual. Red Devils Syndrome is adequately explained from the point of popular ritual. At the first glance, the syndrome was supported by the government and amplified by mass media, or, at most, one of the expressions of sports nationalism. But this syndrome brought about unexpected results, e.g., voluntary participation, civil responsibility, and open patriotism, which are only possible after the change of nation/state ideas. Those who participated with street support changed their heart and mind through the ritual practice. First, the leaders of Red Devils succeeded in deploying supporting means, which was carefully selected out of the symbols of national/Min-Jung rituals. Then, they switched old national/Min-Jung codes into popular ones aiming for cultural openness. Second, most participants with street support pursued decentralized culture coming from the following two sources: (1) traditional folk culture pursuing the coexistence of oppositions, (2) modern internet culture formed through interactive communication in cyberspace. They reformed themselves through the collective effervescence of mass support into voluntary citizens overcoming authoritarianism by national education.
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