다문화청소년이 지각한 사회적지지가 학업적응에 미치는 영향: 자아존중감과 성취동기의 매개효과

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2020 韓國컴퓨터情報學會論文誌 Vol.25 No.4

본 연구에서는 다문화청소년이 지각한 사회적지지가 학업적응에 미치는 영향을 검증하고, 이 관계에서 자아존중감과 성취동기를 통해 발생하는 간접효과를 밝히고자 하였다. 이러한 관계를 구조방정식 모형분석을 통하여 분석하기 위해 다문화청소년 7차년도(2017년) 패널데이터를 활용하였다. 분석결과, 첫째, 다문화청소년이 지각한 사회적지지와 자아존중감 및 성취동기는 학업적응에 직접적으로 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 다문화청소년의 자아존중감은 사회적지지에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 다문화청소년이 지각한 사회적지지가 학업적응에 미치는 영향은 직접효과 이외에도 자아존중감과 성취동기를 매개로 간접효과가 있는 것으로 확인되었다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 다문화청소년의 사회적지지 및 학업적응 향상을 위한 실천적 개입방안을 제시하였다. The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of social support perceived by multicultural youth on learning adaptation and to identify the indirect effects of self-esteem and achievement motivation in this relationship. In order to analyze these relationships through structural equation model analysis, panel data were used for the seventh year of multicultural youth (2017). As a result of the analysis, first, the social support, self-esteem and achievement motivation perceived by multicultural youth had a significant influence on learning adaptation. Second, self-esteem of multicultural youths had a significant effect on social support. Third, the influence of social support perceived by multicultural youth on learning adaptation was found to have indirect effects through self-esteem and achievement motivation as well as direct effects. Based on these findings, this study suggested practical intervention plans to improve social support and learning adaptation of multicultural youths.

자활근로사업과 자활공동체 사업 참여자의 자립의지 영향요인 비교분석

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2015 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.23 No.1

본 연구에서는 자활근로사업과 자활공동체사업 참여자를 대상으로 자립의지, 자아존중감, 사회자본 정도와 자활사업 참여집단간의 차이를 분석하고자 한다. 또한 자활근로사업과 자활공동체사업 참여자의 자립의지에 영향을 미치는 개인적 특성요인과 사회자본의 영향력을 비교 분석하고자 한다. 분석결과, 자활근로사업 참여자의 자립의지에 대한 회귀분석 결과, 연령대(B=.228), 건강상태(B=.097), 자아존중감(B=.233), 사회자본(B=.184)이 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 분석되었다. 그러나 자활공동체 참여자의 자립의지에는 유의미한 변수가 나타나지 않았다.

장애인의 직업능력 필요정도와 직무만족 간에 복리후생의 매개효과와 차별경험의 조절효과 검증

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2022 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.30 No.1

‘내파(內破)’하는 ‘대동아공영권’ - 동남아시아 점령과 조선통치 -

이형식 ( Lee Hyoung-sik ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2018 사총 Vol.93 No.-

‘대동아공영권’ 구상은 면밀한 계획에 의해 수립된 것이 아니라 제2차 세계대전 발발이라는 세계정세의 변화에 맞추어 급조된 측면이 강했기 때문에 그 범위가 애매해고 불분명할 뿐 아니라 내용도 유동적이었다. 진주만 기습 이후 서전에서 눈부신 승리를 거뒀던 초기의 ‘대동아공영권’ 구상은 점령지의 자원확보와 치안유지를 우선과제로 설정하고 일본의 지도적 지위를 전면에 내세웠다. 하지만 이후 전황이 악화되고 1943년 가을부터 연합국의 본격적인 반격이 예상되자 점령지의 자발적인 전쟁협력을 이끌어내고자 ‘대동아공영권’의 수정이 시도된다. 외무성을 중심으로 ‘대동아동맹’이라는 국제기구를 설치하고 그 부속기관으로 ‘대동아중재재판소’, ‘대동아경찰군’, ‘대동아청산은행’을 설치할 것을 주장하는 전후 지역질서 구상이 전개되었지만, 현실정치에서는 받아들여지지 않았다. 대신에 초기 ‘대동아공영권’의 패권주의적 색채를 ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’라는 슬로건을 통해 분식시키면서 ‘대동아공영권’에 대한 동의를 조달하려는 대동아회의가 개최되었지만 오히려 참가국 선정문제 등이 불거져 나오면서 ‘대동아공영권’의 내부모순을 증폭시켰다. 한편 ‘대동아공영권’ 내에서 지도국(‘내지’)이면서 실질적으로는 식민지(‘외지’)였던 조선은 ‘대동아공영권’의 내부 모순을 한층 증폭시켰다. ‘공존공영’, ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’라고 하는 ‘대동아공영권’의 슬로건이 강조되면 될수록 제국질서의 파열음은 커져만 갔다. 일본이 구미제국주의를 비판하면서 ‘대서양헌장’을 대신할 수정된 ‘대동아공영권’을 내걸었지만, 점령지 민족들은 오히려 제2의 조선, 제2의 만주국이 되지 않을까 우려하지 않을 수 없었다. 반면에 ‘도조성명’, ‘대동아선언’, ‘고이소성명’은 오히려 조선인의 민족의식, 독립의식을 자극해 ‘대동아공영권’의 균열·갈등을 증폭시켜 ‘대동아공영권’을 ‘內破’시키는 결과를 초래했다. 조선은 ‘대동아공영권’이 내건 ‘공존공영’, ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’를 무기로 ‘대동아공영권’으로부터의 이탈, 독립을 주장했다. 일본이 내건 구호가 부메랑으로 돌아왔던 것이다. 이처럼 ‘대동아공영권’이라는 일본의 지역질서 재편은 일본 제국질서의 심각한 균열을 초래했고, ‘카이로회담’, ‘테헤란회담’으로 대표되는 국제질서 재편 속에서 제국질서의 균열을 봉합하는 미봉책으로서 정치적 처우개선이 패전 직전에야 비로소 고려되었던 것이다. As the idea of 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ had not been established according to a detailed plan, but rather improvised in haste in order to keep up with the change in the world, the outbreak of the Second World War, its range was vague and unclear and its contents were flexible. The early idea of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, which led to a remarkable victory at the beginning of war since the ambush at Pearl Harbor, set securing of resources and maintenance of public order in the conquered territories as prior tasks and brought Japan's position as a leader to the forefront. However, as the war progressed to its disadvantage and it was expected since the autumn of 1943 for the allied powers to counterattack in a full scale, the correction of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ was tried in order to induce the conquered territories to spontaneously cooperate in the war. The idea about post-war local order was developed, which argued the foundation of an international organization called 'the Greater East Asia Alliance' centered around the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and 'the Greater East Asia Court of Arbitration', 'the Greater East Asia Constabulary Force', and 'the Greater East Asia Clearing Bank' as its affiliated organs, but it was not accepted in the real politics. Instead, while the imperialistic undertone of the early ‘Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ was beautified through slogans, such as ‘autonomous independence’ and ‘peaceful reciprocity’, the Greater East Asia Council was held to get agreement to ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, but on the contrary, the problem of selecting participating nations and others became an issue, and the internal contradictions of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ became intensified. On the other hand, Joseon, a leader nation('an inside nation') in 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ and substantially a colony(‘an outside nation’), amplified the internal contradictions of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ more. The more the slogans of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, for instance, ‘coexistence and coprosperity’, ‘autonomous independence’, and ‘peaceful reciprocity', were emphasized, the bigger the conflicts in the imperial order got. Japan supported the modified ‘Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ to replace 'Atlantic Charter' while criticizing imperialism of the U.S.A. and Europe, yet, on the contrary, people of the conquered territories had no choice but worrying about becoming another Joseon or another Manchuria. On the other hand, ‘Tojo Statement’, ‘the Greater East Asia Proclamation’, and ‘Koiso Statement’ rather stimulated Joseon people's national awareness and consciousness of independence, intensified cracks and conflicts in 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, and resulted in the ‘internal collapse(內破)’ of 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.’ Joseon argued breakaway and independence from ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ with 'coexistence and co-prosperity', 'autonomous independence' and 'peaceful reciprocity' proclaimed by ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ as weapons. The slogans of Japan returned as a boomerang. In this way, the reorganization of the local order by Japan, that is, ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, brought about severe cracks in the imperial order of Japan, and only right before their defeat in the war, it was at last considered again to improve its political conditions as a temporary remedy to seal the rupture in the imperial order during the reorganization of international order, which was represented by 'Cairo Conference' and 'Teheran Conference'.

가족 가치관, 의사소통, 관계성에 따른 건강가족지원사업 프로그램 활성화 방안

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2012 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.20 No.2

이 연구에서는 건강가정지원센터의 프로그램 활성화를 위해 가족의 가치관, 의사소통, 가족관계성 수준에 따라 개설하고자 하는 프로그램 필요도가 다르게 나타날 것이다라는 연구문제를 규명하기 위한 목적에서 출발하였다. 이러한 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 G광역시 서구지역에 거주하는 주민 299명을 대상으로 자기기입식 설문지 방식을 사용하였다. 분석결과, 가족의 가치관, 의사소통, 가족관계성 수준에서 평균미만집단이 평균이상집단과 비교하여 건강가족지원프로그램에 대한 필요도가 유의미하게 높게 나타났다. 따라서 건강가정지원센터의 사업 프로그램은 지역주민의 가족의 가치관, 의사소통, 가족관계성 수준을 반영한 필요도 중심의 활성화 방안을 모색해야 할 것이다.

광주고려인마을 나눔방송의 주요 핵심어 변화 탐색

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee),권충훈(Choong Hoon Kwon) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2019 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.27 No.2

이주민의 한국어학습 접근성 향상을 위한 이러닝시스템의 설계

이형인(Hyoung In, Lee),이상문(Sangmoon, Lee) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2015 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.23 No.1

‘조선의 전기왕’ 오구라 다케노스케(小倉武之助)와 조선사회

李炯植(Lee, Hyoung-Sik) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.145 No.-

In this paper, Ogura Dakenosuke(小倉武之助), a powerful capitalist in Daegu, was focused on. Ogura was from a collapsed yet influential family of Chiba(千葉縣), and owned the strongest capital of academic career, namely, graduation from the law department, Tokyo Imperial University. Compared to ‘the bare-hand group’(一旗組), who came over to Chosun dreaming of ‘becoming wealthy overnight’, he was a reliable and verifiable person who had graduated from the Imperial University. Using his human network of the law department including seniors, juniors and classmates in the key posts of the colonial government organization, such as the Japanese Government-General of Korea, Chosun Bank, Siksan Bank, and the Oriental Development Company, Ogura could take over an advantageous position for enterprise activities in Chosun by obtaining the right of electricity business, merging electricity companies, gaining a subsidy, and borrowing funds. He can be said to have been a typical case of ‘Gwangyeongyuchak(官經癒着)’, a corrupt relationship between political and business circles in Chosun. Ogura exerted his absolute influence on the local community(Daegu). Settled down in Daegu during the Russo-Japanese War, Ogura accumulated wealth through real estate business and high interest loan business in a short time, and dominated the economic circles of Daegu by establishing an electricity company, a securities company and an investment company and by going into financial business. While successively filling various posts including a Daegu Council member, a Gyeongbuk Province Council member, the president of the Daegu Chamber of Commerce and Industry as well as the president of Daegu Mindan for a long time, he made an effort to develop the city and the region by forming parks and playing a leading role in the movements to attract a regiment(聯隊) head office, a medical professional school, a corporation, Jongyeonbangjeok(鐘淵紡績) factories, an airfield and others. With the powerful influence which couldn"t be compared to Japanese in other areas of Chosun, Ogura could incapacitate ‘the movement to make electricity manged by the city government’ in Daegu.

다문화 청소년의 진로장벽과 사회적위축이 진로결정성에 미치는 영향: 성취동기의 매개효과를 중심으로

이형하(Hyoung-Ha Lee),김지선(Jee-Sun Kim),김지원(Ji-Won Kim),송현경(Hyun-Kyung Song),최은(Eun Choi) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2019 한국컴퓨터정보학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.27 No.2

패전 후 조선통치관계자의 조선통치사편찬

이형식(Lee, Hyoung-sik) 동양사학회 2015 東洋史學硏究 Vol.131 No.-

After Japan was defeated in the war and lost its colony, the Japanese society tried to forget their memories as a colonial empire. However, as the problem of Koreans in Japan, the inheritance from the empire, emerged and Korean War broke out, the concern about “the Joseon matter” rose. The persons related to the rule over Joseon organized an allied association in order to cope with “the Joseon matter” with the support from the enterprises returning from Joseon and those in relation to Joseon. After the outbreak of Korean War, the defense corps for motherland resorted to force more strongly, which caused fierce battles to develop between the left and the right regarding the problems of the Koreans in Japan and the rule over Joseon through daily newspapers and magazines in Japan. The newspapers and magazines of the right consistently gave malicious reports on the Koreans in Japan and straightforwardly revealed contempt and discrimination against them. Resisting against them, the Koreans in Japan, leftist writers represented as Neo Japanese Literary Society, some sensible people related to Joseon, and progressive intellectuals and journalists took issue with the attitudes of Japan about the problem of the Koreans in Japan, and criticized Japanese colonization. Those relevant to the rule over Joseon, who were holding their breath behind the censorship by GHQ and the ideological geography pursuing “a cultural nation” and “a peaceful nation” after the war, tried to spread “the collective memory” of development and improvement by “the colonizers” while fighting against “the collective memory” of suppression and exploitation by “the colonized.” They established “colony archive”(Woobang Library, Historical Records of Rule over Joseon, Woobang Series, etc.) with the support from Japanese financial circles including the Korea-Japan Economic Association which were intending to enter into Korea again after the normalization of the diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan, and carried forward the project “to make the historical collective memory” of “the colonizers.” When the Korean-Japanese Conference reached a political settlement in 1965 and the responsibility for the colonial reign was “sealed,” the “collective memory” of those related to the rule over Joseon became “the public memory” of the colonizers against the background of the rapid growth of Japan after the war, which exerted a great influence on the recognition of the colonial rule by Japan after the war.