「『拙藁千百』譯註」(8)

이진한(Lee, Jin-Han),김보광(Kim, Bo-Kwang),이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.56

이 글은 『졸고천백』 가운데 권1의 16번째부터 19번째에 이르는 4편의 글을 살핀것이다. 이들 네 편의 글은 모두 저자인 최해와 긴밀한 사이였던 안목, 안축, 이제현, 최문도가 관계되어 있다. 먼저 「故相安竹屋像贊」은 죽은 안우기의 영정에 대한 글로, 안우기의 인품을 칭찬하면서 그의 아들들에게 아버지의 인품을 본받을 것을 당부한 내용이다. 가묘를 세우고 영정을 봉안하던 당시 고려의 풍습을 엿볼 수 있다. 그리고 「安當之關東錄後題」는 안축이 강원도 지방장관 시절에 지은 「關東瓦注」란 글에 덧붙인 글로, 일종의 부기이다. 이 글을 통해 고려시대에 금강산을 비롯한 관동 지역이 주요한 명승지였음을 확인할 수 있다. 또 「永嘉郡夫人權氏墓誌銘」은 고려후기의 유명한 재상인 이제현의 부인 권씨를 위한 묘지명이다. 이 글을 통해 이제현과 최해의 인간적 친밀함과 당시 지배층 여성들에게 요구되던 부인의 미덕을 엿볼 수 있다. 마지막으로 「春軒壺記」는 최문도가 투호를 가르친 것에 대한 기록이다. 투호는 고대부터 이어져온 놀이로, 공부로 인한 긴장의 완화, 투호 놀이 과정에서의 규칙과 예절의 준수에 따른 도덕의 함양 등에 효과가 있다고 여겨져 성리학에서 중요시되었다. 최문도는 수양의 수단으로 자제와 후배들에게 투호를 가르쳤다. 이는 성리학이 도입되는 과정에서 성리학 자체 뿐 아니라 心的수양의 하나로 투호가 중요시되는 계기가 되었다. This paper examined four pieces of writing from the 16th to 19th pieces in “Jolgocheonbaek” Vol. 1. These four pieces are related to Mok Ahn, Chuk Ahn, Jae-Hyeon Lee, and Mun-Do Choi who had all close relationships with the author Hae Choi. First, “The Piece of Writing Added to the Portrait of Deceased Minister Woo-Gi Ahn” is the writing about the portrait of deceased Woo-Gi Ahn. Its contents are about praising the character of Woo-Gi Ahn and asking his sons to follow the character of their father. This helps us get a glimpse of Goryeo’s custom in which the people built their family shrine and enshrine the deceased’ portrait. In addition, “The Postscript About the Gwandongrok of Chuk Ahn” is a piece added to “Gwandongwaju(關東瓦注)” written by Chuk Ahn when he was the provincial minister of Gangwon-do. It is a kind of additional note. This writing confirms that the Gwandong region including Mt. Geumgang was a major scenic attraction in the Goryeo Dynasty period. In addition, “The Cemetery’s Name for Mrs. Gwon, the Wife of Yeonggagun (永嘉郡夫人權氏墓誌銘)” is the name of the cemetery for Mrs. Gwon, the wife of Jae-Hyeon Lee who was a famous minister in the latter part of the Goryeo Dynasty. This writing enables us to assume the personal intimacy between Jae-Hyeon Lee and Hae Choi, and the role of a supportive wife that ruling-class women during the period were required to perform. Finally, The writing “About Mun-Do Choi and Tuho (春軒壺記)” is the record regarding Mun-Do Choi having taught Tuho. Tuho is the game that had been passe ddown from ancient times and was regarded as important in Neo-Confucianism based on the belief that the lessening of tension from studying and observing the rules and etiquette required during the course of playing Tuho are effective in cultivating morality. Mun-Do Choiemphasized moral cultivation based on Neo-Confucianism toward his disciples and juniors. This became an opportunity for Tuho to be considered important in Korea during the time when Neo-Confucianism was introduced.

「『拙稿千百』 譯註」(6) : 권1 「送僧禪智遊金剛山序」·「大元故征東都鎭撫高麗匡靖大夫檢校僉議評理元公墓誌銘」의 분석을 중심으로

이진한(Lee, Jin-Han),김보광(Kim, Bo-Kwang),이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.54

Choi Hae[崔瀣] had a unique career of serving in civic-official posts both in Goryeo and Mongol Empire, and had a critical attitude towards Buddhism while making friends with neo-confucianists such as Lee Je-Hyeon[李齊賢], Lee Gok[李穀], and Choi Mun-do[崔文度]. Cholgo-Ch`eonbaek[拙稿千百] is his collection of works consisting of two volumes, It was first printed in Jinju in August 1354. This book contains 43 writings in their written order, and 32 writings of this book are included in Anthology of Literature in Korea[東門選] as well. This paper dealt with “Preface to Bonze Sun-ji Gong to Mt. Geumgang” and “Epitaph for Won Sun-ji[元善之].” the 13the and 14 writings in the volume 1 of Cholgo-Gh`eonbaek. “Preface to Bonze Sun-ji Going to Mt. Geumgang” shows Ghoi Hae1s view of Buddhism and further neo-confucianists` perception about Buddhism at the time. First, he noted the record that Buddhism was transmitted to Korea in A.D. 4 prior to its transmission to China in the 4th century was unreliable, criticizing the untrustworthy Buddhist world in those days. Then writing about the economic size of major temples in Geumgang Mountain and monks` absorption in economic interests than asceticism, he blamed the Buddhist Order in his era. His view of Buddhism is meaningful in that neo-confucian officials started to criticize Buddhism in earnest, affected by him. “Epitaph for Won Sun-Ji” records Won Sun-ji`s life. That he took over the position of Military Commissioner[都鎭撫, dojinmu] in Branch Secretariat for Conquest of Japan[征東行省, Jeongdong-haengseong], What he succeed to his father Won Gyeong[元卿]`s Mongol post offers an important suggestive point regarding relationship between Goryeo and Mongol Empire. The reason is that is shows the king of Goryeo was able to engage in appointment of civil officials for Mongol. In addition, in relation to medicine, in this writing it was also recorded that a case show medical conditions such as the existence of medical books and prescriptions in late Goryeo. This paper conducted basic works such as translating the two writings in Cholgo-Ch`eonbaek and commenting on them and examined characteristics of their content. Continuous research on Cholgo-Ch`eonbaek will be very conducive to understanding the Goryeo society.

중국인 한국어 학습자의 사과 화행 연구 - 정의적 변인을 중심으로 -

이바른 ( Bareun Lee ) 숙명여자대학교 한국어문화연구소 2018 한국어와 문화 Vol.23 No.-

지금까지의 한국어 교육에서 화행에 관한 연구는 언어권별 화행 전략 비교 및 교육 방안에 대한 연구가 주를 이루고 있는데 여기에서 더 나아가 화행을 다각도로 살펴볼 필요성이 있다. 이에 본고는 중국인 한국어 학습자와 한국인이 사과의 상황에서 느끼는 사과의 의무감에서 어떠한 차이가 있는지, 중국인 한국어 학습자의 사과 화행과 외국어 습득에 중요한 역할을 하는 정의적 변인과의 상관관계를 살펴보며, 화행 능력 향상에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 알아보고자 한다. 따라서 사회언어학적 변인인 사회적 지위, 친소 관계, 부담의 정도, 공사 관계에 따라 다양한 사과의 상황을 구성한 담화 완성 테스트를 한국인과 중국인 한국어 학습자에게 실시하고, 각 문항에 사과의 의무감을 표시하게 하여 두 집단의 사과 의무감의 차이에 대해 살펴보았다. 또한, 본고의 전략 분석 기준에 따라 사과 화행을 분석한 후 한국인들의 담화 완성 테스트의 응답을 기준으로 중국인 한국어 학습자의 화행을 점수화하였다. 이렇게 점수화한 중국인 한국어 학습자의 화행과 AMTB 설문 결과를 피어슨(pearson)상관분석을 실시하여 화행과 정의적 변인 간의 상관관계를 살펴보았고, 중국인 한국어 학습자의 사과 화행에서 통합적 동기와 도구적 동기 중 어떠한 동기가 화행에 긍정적인 역할을 하는지 AMTB 결과를 통해 통합적 동기가 높은 학습자와 도구적 동기가 높은 학습자의 화행 평균 점수를 T-검정을 실시하여 살펴보았다. Until now, the researches on the speech acts in the Korean education have been focused on the comparison of the speech act strategies in the different language blocs and the education methods. Therefore there is a need to examine various aspects of the speech acts. Therefore, this study examined the differences in the sense of duty for apology felt by Chinese Korean learners and Koreans in the apology context and the correlation between Chinese Korean learners' apology speech acts and affective variables which play important role in foreign language acquisition. This study is to investigate the effect on the improvement of the speech acts ability. Therefore, DCT(Discourse-Completion Test), which consisted of various apology situations with sociolinguistic variables of social status, relationship between friends and degree of burden, was conducted to Koreans and Chinese Korean learners. And the difference of the sense of duty for apology felt by Korean and Chinese Korean learners was examined by marking the sense of duty for apology in each question. After analyzing the apology speech acts in accordance with the strategy analysis standard of this study, Chinese Korean learners' apology speech acts were scored based on Koreans' responses in DCT. The correlation was examined between speech acts and affective variables by Pearson correlation analysis in Chinese Korean learners' speech acts scores and AMTB(Attitude Motivation Test Battery) questionnaire results. T-test for speech acts mean scores of leaners with high integrated motivation or high instrumental motivation was conducted to find out either integrated motivation or instrumental motivation plays a positive role in the apology speech acts of Chinese Korean learners.

고려 후기 목호(牧胡)의 제주 이주와 마정(馬政)

이바른 ( Lee Bareun ) 한국중세사학회 2023 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.73

The purpose of this study is to examine the background and their impact of these migrations from the perspective of the operation of horses in Goryeo, focusing on woodcutters who have migrated to Tamna for the purpose of ranch operation. The establishment of the Tamna Horse Ranch in the Yuan Dynasty was the result of a combination of natural environmental factors suitable for horse breeding and political factors considering the Japanese expedition. In other words, the Yuan Dynasty tried to stockpile chargers using the Tamna area in consideration of the military volume of Goryeo and the difficulty of stockpiling hors and cows feed. The establishment of the Tamna Horse Ranch in the Yuan Dynasty served as an opportunity to further expand and develop the size of horses and cows breeding. Since the Yuan Dynasty’s expedition to Japan ended, there have been only four cases in which Tamna’s Horses have been sent to the Yuan. This seems to be the result of the consideration of Tamna and the process of changing the ruling order of the Yuan Dynasty. As the control over Tamna intersected with Goryeo and Yuan Dynasty, horse breeding and operation changed several times accordingly. The Yuan Dynasty indirectly managed the Tamna Horse Ranch. Jeju was under the influence of Goryeo. In general, it seems that in Goryeo, Tamna’s horses were selected and given to the Yuan, centering on Goryeo officials. In addition, the Goryeo government was able to omit the process of horse requisition and relatively less conflict between the Yuan Dynasty, Tamna and Goryeo, either by offering horses raised by Tamna Mokho directly to the Yuan Dynasty or by dispatching Yuan Dynasty officials to directly select and requisition. However, after the rise of the Ming Dynasty, the unreasonable demand for public horse by the Ming Dynasty eventually caused a conflict between the Goryeo government and Tamna Mokho, and Goryeo conquered Mokho’s rebellion and took direct control and control of Jeju’s ranch.

호남적 공간의 경험들 : 전남대 호남학연구원 인문한국사업단, 『통通하다-호남의 감성』(전라도닷컴, 2011)

이바른(Lee Ba-Reun) 역사문화학회 2012 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.15 No.1

'감성'은 보편적인 정의나 일반이론이 없고, 어떠한 관점과 입장에서 바라보느냐에 따라 그 정의가 다양하다. 이미 많은 분야에서 감성에 대한 다양한 논의가 있어 왔지만, 인문학적 연구 방법에 있어서 감성에 대한 진지한 고민을 하지 못한 실정이다. 그러한 의미에서 현재 전남대학교 호남학 연구원 인문한국 사업단에서 진행하고 있는 감성연구는 매우 의미있는 작업이라고 할 수 있다. 그래서 이 글에서는 사업단에서 2011년 출간한 『통通하다-호남의 감성』이라는 책을 소개하고, 이를 통한 호남감성에 대한 생각을 정리해보고자 하였다. 이 책은 경험을 공유한 사람들이 공동의 표상을 지니게 만드는 것이 바로 감성임을 인지하며, 호남이라는 시공간 속에 녹아있는 호남의 감성을 추적하고자 하였다. 여기에서는 '소통'이라는 관점에서 호남인의 교감 방식을 '말, 문, 길, 포구, 누정, 그리고 시장'이라는 영역으로 설정하여 이 속에 스며있는 호남의 감성을 찾아보고자 하였다. 책의 각 장에서 파악되는 공통된 호남의 감성은 '열려있음·짠함의 호남적 측은지심·넉넉한 호남의 인심·분노와 저항'이라고 할 수 있다. 이와 같은 여섯 영역에서의 공동체 고유의 감성을 찾아내는 방법은 호남의 감성이 무엇인지를 밝히는 것뿐 아니라 다른 공동체의 감성을 연구함에 있어서도 유용한 것이라고 생각한다. 이러한 연구는 지역 감성을 파악하는 표본을 도출함으로써, 각 지역을 비교하고 그 속에서 공통점과 차이점을 찾아내어 그 가운데 하나의 감성체계를 정립하는 과정이 형성될 것으로 기대한다. Gamsung has no the universal definition or general theory, and has various meanings depending on your needs in any viewpoints. Already, Gamsung has been multiply discussed in many fields of study. But, research is not serious worry about Gamsung in the way of research methods in the humanities. In that sense, Gamsung research in progress from the institute of Honam study in Chonnam National University is very meaningful work. So, This study introduce about 『Pass-Gamsung of Honam』, and I should like to express my opinions on a Gamsung of Honam. This book is recognized that Gamsung made by common experience, and is looking for Gamsung of Honam in Honam's time and space. The book is divided into six parts of language, door, way, inlet, pavilion, and market. Gamsung of Honam understanding at book is open, Honam's compassion, enough humaneness of Honam, anger and resistance. The method that search out the peculiar Gamsung from six parts is useful for explained What is Gamsung of Honam and investigated Gamsung of the other area. This reserches expected that draw a sample of the other area's Gamsung and find common and difference with each other. I expect that Gamsung reserches can form one Gamsung system, finally.

충렬왕비 제국대장공주의 고려 이주와 외국인의 삶

이바른(Lee, Bareun) 한국이민학회 2021 한국이민학 = Korean journal of international migration Vol.8 No.2

고려 예종대 胡宗旦의 행적과 평가

이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2017 한국민족문화 Vol.64 No.-

본 논문은 예종~인종 시기 고려에서 활동한 投化宋人 胡宗旦에 대하여 고찰하였다. 호종단은 예종의 치적에 대한 종합적인 평가 속에서 예종대 失政의 원인제공자로서 부정적으로 거론된다. 이러한 점에서 호종단에 대해 살펴보는 것은 예종 시기를 다양하게 이해할 수 있는 계기가 된다. 그는 일찍이 고려와 왕래가 잦았던 송의 복주 지방 출신으로, 太學 上舍生이라는 유교적 소양을 갖춘 지식인이었다. 당시 송의 관직 진출이 어려운 상황 속에서 고려의 투화송인에 대한 우대책은 그에게 고려로 오게 하는 요인이 되었다. 게다가 고려를 정기적으로 오가는 宋商의 배는 바다건너 고려로 오기에 적합한 조건을 제공하여 그의 고려 투화를 도왔다. 당시 예종은 송과의 활발한 왕래를 토대로 우호적인 외교관계를 지속하면서 송의 선진문물을 적극적으로 수용하고자 하였다. 예종의 정국운영 구상 속에서 호종단은 학문적 출신 기반과 뛰어난 문장력으로 우대를 받으며 고려 정계로 입문할 수 있었다. 이러한 점은 호종단이 文翰職이나 諫官을 주로 역임하였던 사실에서도 알 수 있다. 호종단은 예종의 총애와 후대 속에서 단시간의 관직 승진을 통하여 그 입지를 다져나갔으며, 예종을 근시하고 왕의 국정 운영에 고문 역할을 하며 성장하였다. 호종단은 예종의 정국운영 의도가 작용하여 그의 ‘博學能文’한 능력과 송의 정세에 밝은 투화송인이라는 배경이 적재적소에서 잘 활용되었다. 그러나 호종단은 예종 사후 인종이 즉위하며 변화된 국내외의 정세 속에서 입지를 상실하였다. 적극적인 대송관계를 토대로 성장한 호종단은 예종의 죽음과 금과의 사대관계 등의 새로운 정국 속에서 활동이 위축되었다. 그러함에도 호종단은 예종과의 관계에 있어서 그 역할을 간과할 수 없다. 마지막으로 호종단에 대한 두 가지 상반되는 평가를 통해서 다각적인 접근을 하였다. 호종단은 ‘博學能門’을 대표로 하는 유학자적인 모습과 ‘壓勝術’등의 雜術로 묘사되는 부정적인 기록이 공존한다. 이 점은 호종단이 문한관으로서 학문적 능력과 정치적 재능에도 불구하고 그의 사상적 사유는 당대 식자들에게 비판받았다는 점을 알 수 있다. 이러한 평가의 저변에는 당대 호종단에 대한 사회적 인식과 후대의 성리학적 사상의 조류가 비판적 시각으로 작용한 것이고, 무엇보다 예종의 돈독한 총애를 받았던 특징이라고 하겠다. In this paper, Ho Jong-dan, a naturalized Sung dynasty person was reviewed. He was active in Goryeo in the reign of King Yejong and King Injong. Ho Jong-dan has been mentioned in negative way as a cause of wrong government of King Yejong. In this sense, the study on Ho Jong-dan will provide us with an opportunity to understand the times of King Yejong from diverse perspectives. He was an intellectual with a Confucian literacy as a senior student in Taehak(太學) originated from Fuzhou(福州) in Sung Dynasty, which had maintained good relationships and had made various transactions with Goryeo frequently. At that time, it was very difficult to get a government job in Sung dynasty and Goryeo’s preferential treatment of naturalized Sung dynasty people would have been a factor to make him to come to Goryeo. In addition, merchant ships regularly operating between Sung and Goryeo made it easy for him to come to Goryeo and helped his naturalization. At that time, King Yejong tried to receive the advanced culture of Sung continuing friendly diplomatic relations based on the active exchanges with Sung. In the political operation plan of King Yejong, Ho Jong-dan could enter political world in Goryeo by receiving preferential treatment based on his academic background and excellent writing abilities. The fact that he mainly served as a writer or an admonisher shows that his ability was applied to the field. Ho Jong-dan made its presence through fast promotion in a short time in the favor and preferential treatment of King Yejong and made further enhancement while working very closely with King Yejong as an advisor on the operation of the government. Ho Jong-dan was made use of well based on his capabilities in writing and knowledge as well as his background that he was a naturalized Sung person who could understand political situation very well. However, Ho Jong-dan lost his place as domestic and international situations were changed because King Yejong passed away and King Injong succeeded to him. Ho Jong-dan who grew up based on the strong and good relationship with Sung could not help losing influence as Goryeo made diplomatic relations with Jin Dynasty. Nevertheless his role should not be overlooked in the relation with King Yejong. Finally, multi-faceted approaches were tried through contrasting evaluations on Ho Jong-dan. There are two different types of records regarding Ho Jong-dan such as a Confucian scholar with great writing ability and negative evaluation as a person who is petty and crafty. It shows that his behaviors were criticized by contemporary intellectuals despite of his excellent writing abilities and political talent. At the base of these evaluations, there are the social perception of the contemporaries and the critical view of Confucian scholars in the later times. Most of all, it was because Ho Jong-dan was uncomparably favored by King Yejong.

거란의 ‘고려사신의례(高麗使臣儀禮)’ 구성과 의미

이바른(Lee, Ba-reun) 한국역사연구회 2015 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.98

Examined in this article are general protocols observed by the Khitan(Liao) government in greeting Goryeo envoys(“高麗使臣儀禮”). They are documented [in scattered fashion] inside the “Courtesy Section(禮志)” of Liaoshi(遼史: History of Liao). Also examined are three more articles, which also described certain protocols to be observed in greeting Goryeo emissaries, recorded in the Chapter of ‘Guest Greeting.’ There are total of seven articles in the former record, which depict protocols not only for regular envoys but also for irregular ones. Examination of them reveal certain characteristics of certain envoys in certain time periods. We can see that rules for greeting foreign emissaries were modified from time to time, to fit the nature of the occasion. Three articles in the latter record, 「Ib’hyeon-eui」, 「Gog’yeon-eui」 and 「Josa-eui」, contain court rules concerning visiting Goryeo emissaries. Each of them showed a basic format, composed of a process from ‘Entrance’ to ‘Banquet’ to ‘Exit.’ We can also see that the original Khitan quality, most vividly displayed in the North/South Division of its own government, is also reflected in the ritual’s progression. Compared to 「Jo’hyeon-eui」 and 「Josa-eui」, which contained rules for greeting the Tangut emissaries, rules meant for the Goryeo emissaries show clear acknowledgement of the identity of the emissary, exact depiction of the time they were visiting, and a very much detailed description of the process. These rules would have been officially established around the time of Goryeo King Hyeonjong’s reign. And they must have been Khitan’s primary set of rules to recognize Goryeo and its envoys. They should have served as a criteria for the Khitan government’s greeting of envoys from other countries(except for Sung) as well.

「『高麗圖經』譯註」(7)

이진한(Lee, Jin-Han),박수찬(Park, Soo-Chan),이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun) 고려사학회 2018 한국사학보 Vol.- No.71

『고려도경』은 1123년(인종 1)에 宋사절단의 일원으로 고려에 한 달 남짓 방문한 徐兢이 직접 견문한 내용을 엮은 기록물이다. 본고에서는 「宫殿二」편의 「延英殿閣」, 「臨川閣」, 「長慶宮」, 「左春宮」, 「別宮」부분을 중점적으로 살펴보았다. 권6 「宫殿二」는 고려 궁궐의 구조를 그려내고 있다. 첫 번째 「延英殿閣」 부분에서는 연영전각의 용도를 고려 중심으로 서술하였으며, 이에 추가적으로 송의 여러 황제들이 내린 조서를 보관하는 역할도 담당하였음을 언급하였다. 한편 「延英殿閣」에는 淸燕閣記가 수록되었다는 점도 주목된다. 「臨川閣」은 비교적 간단하게 서술되고 있다. 다만 그 위치상 앞에서 3개의 閣이 鼎立했다는 설명에서 언급되지 않았던 마지막 閣일 가능성이 크다. 閣은 왕이 직접 활동하는 공간이라기보다는 책을 보관하는 등 보조적인 역할을 담당했으므로 후순위에 배치된 것이었다. 「長慶宮」은 고려 황성의 소남문 밖에 위치한 궁으로 『고려도경』이외에는 기록이 많지 않다. 長慶宮은 왕의 누이 등이 거주하는 왕실의 공간이었는데, 『고려도경』에서는 국왕의 공간 이후에 왕실의 공간을 배치하여 건물간의 계서성을 분명히 하였다. 「左春宮」에서는 고려의 태자제도에 대한 언급이 이루어지고 있다. 「左春宮」에는 우춘궁에 대한 기록 역시 존재하는데, 이를 통해 왕실의 일원으로써 子女의 위상이 대등했음을 확인할 수 있다. 마지막으로 「別宮」은 왕의 별궁과 자제들이 거처하는 궁들에 대한 설명이다. 이에서는 계림궁, 부여궁을 비롯하여 다양한 궁호들이 나열되고 있다. Goryeodogyeong (高麗圖經, Gaoli tu jing in Chinese) contains the experience of SeoGeung (徐兢), who visited Goryeo for over one month as a member of a Song(宋) delegation in 1123 (the 1st year of King Injong’s reign). This paper investigated it, focusing on Yeonyeongjeongak(延英殿閣), Imcheongak(臨川閣), Janggyeongjeon (長慶殿), Jwachungung(左春宮), Byeolgung(別宮) of its Vol. 6 Gungjeon 2(宫殿二). Gungjeon 2(宫殿二) describes the structure of the palace of Goryeo. In this part, he described what he observed in person and compared it to that of China. In Yeonyeongjeongak(延英殿閣) part, the use of Yeonyeongjeongak(延英殿閣) was described focusing on the case of Goryeo, refering that it contained saving edict of several emperors of Song. Besides, it is highlighted that Cheongyeongakgi(淸燕閣記) was included in Yeonyeongjeongak (延英殿閣). It describes the banquet around the king in detail. SeoGeung cited Cheongyeongakgi(淸燕閣記) because it contains the deplomatin relation of Song and Goryeo. Also, Cheongyeongakgi(淸燕閣記) might receive SeoGeung’s attention, as he could check the ruler and ruled relationship and the political world of period of Yejong(睿宗) through this text and his goal of visiting Goryeo was condolence to Yejong. part Imcheongak(臨川閣) is simply described, but in accordance with its location, it might be the last gak(閣) of three gak(閣) that was not mentioned in the previous explanation. The part gak(閣) was arranged behind because its role was supplementary rather than main place where king works. Part Janggyeonggung(長慶宮) was located out of Sonammun(小南門) of the palace of Goryeo, so there are little writings except Goryeodogyeong(高麗圖經). This part is helpful to understand the inner structure of Goryeo castle, because it describes not only the location and system of the building but also some describtions about the way to it. Janggyeonggung(長慶宮) was where sisters of king lived. In Goryeodogyeong(高麗圖經), the hierarchy of the buildings was made clearly, as arranging the space of king first. In part Jwachungung(左春宮), the heir system of Goryeo was mentioned. According to it, king’s eldest son was called Seja(世子) when he was nominated, and he lived in Jwachungung(左春宮) after the coming-of-age ceremony. But this explanation is partly wrong - the term ‘Wangtaeja(王太子)’ was used instead of ‘Seja(世子)’ in Goryeo and there were no constant order in the heir system. Jwachungung(左春宮) part also includes some texts of Uchungung (右春宮). We can know that sons and daughters had same status as royal family. Part Byeolgung(別宮) explains the extra buildings where royal family lived. In this part, Gungwonjeon(宮院田) of Goryeo was mentioned, which notices that Goryeodogyeong(高麗圖經) includes various contents. Several buildings are listed in this part, Gyerimgung(雞林宮), Buyeogung(扶餘宮) etc. These were where royal people who received same novility title lived, which shows the charicter of Goryeo well.

「『高麗圖經』 譯註」(4)

이진한(Lee, Jin-Han),이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun),박수찬(Park, Soo-Chan) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.68

『고려도경』 권3의 「城邑」과 「封境」, 「形勢」, 「國城」, 「樓觀」, 「民居」의 5항목을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 「城邑」은 권3의 서론에 해당하는 글로, 서긍이 고려가 宗廟와 社稷을 두는 전통이 있음을 칭찬하는 내용이지만, 한편으로는 서긍의 중화주의적 사고를 드러낸다. 「封境」은 고려의 영역과 관련된 국경선, 교역로, 영토 등을 기록하고 있으며, 당대 송나라 사람들의 고려에 대한 인식을 이해하는 데 도움을 준다. 「形勢」에서는 고려 수도 개경의 형세를 논하고 있는데, 형세를 方位로 표현하는 점은 중국적 풍수지식을 이입하여 묘사한 방식으로 서긍의 풍수적 식견을 엿볼 수 있다. 「國城」에서는 개경의 구조와 시설에 대해 설명하고 있는데, 『高麗史』에는 나성문이 25개로 기록되어 『고려도경』의 12개와 차이가 있으며, 명칭도 다른 것이 많았다. 그 이유는 서긍이 고려를 방문하였던 당시보다 성문이 늘어났기 때문인지, 또는 서긍이 잘못 알았던 것인지 분명하지 않지만, 고려 나성의 실체를 파악하는데 중요한 근거를 제공하고 있다. 마지막으로 「樓觀」과 「民居」에서는 개경 내부 시설에 대해 설명하고 있다. 이상의 내용은 『宋史』 등에도 전하고 있으며 그 가운데 부정확한 것도 있다. 『고려도경』에는 서긍이 고려에 와서 직접 본 것만이 아니라 사전에 알고 있던 지식이나 들은 것들도 함께 기록하였기 때문이다. 그럼에도 본편의 내용은 12세기 급변하는 정세 속에서 宋人서긍이 고려 사회를 바라보는 시각을 보여주며, 수도 개경의 성곽과 시설 등에 대한 묘사는 고려시대 개경의 구조를 복원하는 도시사 연구 분야의 중요한 사료가 되고 있다. This study examines 6 parts from the third volume of Goryeodogyeong(高麗圖經): ‘Seongeup(城邑, a castle town)’, ‘Bonggyeong(封境, a territory)’, ‘Hyeongse(形勢, the lay of the land)’, ‘Gugseong(國城, the capital of the country)’, ‘Nugwan(樓觀, a pavilion)’, and ‘Mingeo(民居, private house)’. ‘Seongeup’ is an introduction of the third volume where Seogeung(徐兢) complimented that Goryeo has the tradition of Jongmyo(宗廟, royal ancestral shrine) and Sajik(社稷, an altar to the State deities), but also showed his sinocentrism mindset. In ‘Bonggyeong’, border lines, trade routes, territories, and etc. related to the territory of Goryeo are recorded, which helps in understanding the awareness upon Goryeo among the contemporary people in Song Dynasty. ‘Hyeongse’ discusses the situation of Gaegyeong, the capital of Goryeo. The point where the situation was expressed as bearing is a descriptive way of applying Chinese knowledge of Fengshui(風水). Seogeung"s knowledge in Fengshui can also be seen here. ‘Gugseong’ explains about the structure and facilities in Gaegyeong. There are differences in the record of the number of Nasung castle(羅城) gates between Goryeosa(高麗史), where it is recorded 26, and Goryeodogyeong, where it is recorded 12. There were also differences in their names. It is not clear whether this is because castle gates increased compared to the time when Seogeung visited Goryeo or because Seogeung was wrong. However, it still provides an important evidence in figuring out the true nature of Goryeo Nasung castle. Lastly, ‘Nugwan’ and ‘Mingeo’ explain about the interior facilities in Gaegyeong. The contents above are also told in Songsa(宋史) and etc. including some inaccurate ones. This is because not only what Seogeung directly saw in Goryeo but also what he already knew in advance or heard were recorded together in Goryeodogyeong Nevertheless, the contents in the book itself tells about Seogeung"s perspective towards Goryeo society under circumstances. Also, description on castles, facilities, and etc. of the capital Gaegyeong is now the imporant historical records in the area of studies on city history, which is restoring the structure of Gaegyeong in the Goryeo Dynasty.